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Podíl českých žen na samizdatu a v disentu v Československu v období tzv. normalizace v letech l969–l989

100%
Siklova J.
Gender, rovné příležitosti, výzkum (Gender, Equal Opportunities, Research)
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2008
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vol. 9
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issue 1
39-44
EN
During the so-called normalization era between 1969 and 1989, samizdat articles and books played a significant role in the resistance. They were copied by hand, unofficially distributed at home, and smuggled out of the country. Once outside, the texts were published in magazines and broadcast on foreign radio. As a result, people in Czechoslovakia were able to hear the illegal texts from foreign broadcasts. It was mainly women who performed the tasks of copying and distributing these materials, even though such activities were illegal in Czechoslovakia at the time. Yet, the activities of women are less well known than those performed by men during the same period, despite the fact that the activities women were engaged in were more dangerous than the men's activities. The same can be said of the women in exile who helped in these illegal activities, because as yet they have gained little recognition inside or outside the country. Women's demands and issues were not included in Charter 77 and other civic declarations. Czech women emphasised human rights and the interests of the majority rather than particular women's issues. The incentive to notice the role of women in the resistance movement originated mainly among women in the West. Czech women did not differentiate themselves along gender lines.
2

SLOVENSKÝ LITERÁRNY PERIODICKÝ SAMIZDAT V OSEMDESIATYCH ROKOCH 20. STOROČIA

100%
Matejovič P., Mikulovičová K.
Slovenská literatúra (Slovak Literature)
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2023
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vol. 70
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issue 3
287 – 321
EN
The article presents an overview of Slovak literary samizdat periodicals published in the 1980s: Kontakt, Altamira, K, Fragment, Fragment K. The authors describe them, deal with their thematic focus, content structure, conditions of their emergence and general context of the period, and analyse selected texts that represent the specific poetics of literary samizdat. At the same time, it devotes space to the discussion of the Czechoslovak context of literary samizdat which cannot be separated from Slovak literary samizdat. At the same time, the article briefly outlines theoretical definitions of the concept of the literary samizdat as used in Central and Eastern European context, taking especially into account the specific character of Slovak literary samizdat. The authors draw on international research on samizdat, especially on the works of Czech literary scholars summarised in the encyclopaedic monograph Český literární samizdat 1948 – 1989 ([Czech literary samizdat 1948 – 1989] 2018). The article aims to inspire further research on Slovak literary samizdat.
3

NEBYLA TO JENOM PRAHA – PODÍL OBYVATEL ČESKÝCH A SLOVENSKÝCH MĚST A REGIONŮ NA PÁDU KOMUNISTICKÉHO REŽIMU

100%
Valeš L.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2018
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vol. 66
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issue 1
133 – 158
EN
The aim of this study is to prove that while Prague was an important centre of anti-regime activities, there was just as strong opposition also outside the capital city. Originally it was mostly apolitical. People “only” wanted to live freely and carry on their own activities – organize themselves, develop their own artistic activities, protect the environment or practice their religion. However, this already brought them into political conflict with the regime, which paradoxically prepared its own opposition. The role of the non-Prague dissidents and their activities was fundamental not only before November 1989 in the process of eroding communist rule, but also for the success of the November revolution as such. If there had been support for the regime outside Prague, the Velvet Revolution might have turned out entirely differently.
4

DISENT A ĽUDSKÉ PRÁVA

75%
Kmeť N.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2008
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vol. 1
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issue 1
5 – 20
EN
The study analyses the attitude of the Communist regime towards dissent and towards human rights. It outlines the origin, development and outcomes of the human rights movement and in this framework it evaluates the role of the members of dissent. The author points out that during the Communist Party’s rule, human rights were not observed, they were interpreted from the perspective of social classes and were subject to the power interests of the regime. The author then describes the difference in understanding of the concept of human rights between the East and the West, where the attitudes of either block have been infl uenced by the motivation to release international tension and economic cooperation. In the next part, the author clarifies the double-faced attitude of the Czechoslovak political leadership towards the country’s obligations resulting from their signing of the Helsinki Final Act. In conflict with this agreement, the European socialist states exercised various forms of prosecution of those individuals who advocated respect for human rights. The study emphasizes that operations aimed against Charta 77 presented a double-edged sword for the political leadership. Both in the intellectual setting and in the official structures there was uproar about keeping the wording of Charta 77 secret from public in backstage communication. When Anti-Charta, orchestrated by the regime, was signed, groups of workmen and collective farmers showed discontent over the fact that the wording of Charta had not been publicized, as a result of which the general public did not know what they actually disapproved of. In the period of harsh repression by the regime people associated in groups, which began to clearly and openly show their discontent with the current social order. Communist reformers were replaced by dissidents. With regard to their activities, the author considers important the fact that advocacy and respect for human rights became a matter of a group of people or of individuals without any institutionalization. The dissidents offered political leadership dialogue about human rights formally anchored in the Czechoslovak legislation. The closing part of the study offers a picture of growing initiatives of the population in the period following the coming of Mikhail Gorbatchev into power, and considers these initiatives the beginnings of a civic society. The author views the Helsinki process enhanced by the influence of Charta 77 and other independent activities based on the public’s participation as a movement that resulted in the transformation of the social and political order in Czechoslovakia in 1989.
5

FROM CLASS-SOCIETY TO A DEMOCRACY IN PERMANENCE. PETR UHL’S “PROGRAM OF SOCIAL SELF-MANAGEMENT”

75%
Dalberg D. M.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2016
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vol. 9
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issue 2
5 – 23
EN
The paper deals with the normative democratic theory of the revolutionary Marxist and Trotskyite Czech dissident Petr Uhl (born in 1941). It describes the ambitions and analyses the problems of his main political work “Program of Society’s Self-Organization” written in the late 1970s. In this work Uhl attempted to describe, interpret, and criticize the existing political system in Czechoslovakia but also in the Western world and designed a normative democratic theory. The article also discusses the question of who influenced his thinking and answers two further questions: How was his “Program” perceived? and did Uhl change his political point of view in the years following the publication of his program?
6

INTELEKTUÁLI V SLOVENSKEJ POLITIKE PRED A PO ROKU 1989

63%
Kusý M.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2008
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vol. 1
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issue 1
54 – 73
EN
Without intelligentsia, particularly without intellectuals, there would be neither Communist ideology, nor Communist movement. Intellectual personalities (actors, writers, social scientists and also teachers) gradually, more or less conspicuously, left the Communist ranks. Their active participation grew into anti-Communist dissent. In Slovakia, this process was inconsistent and stopped somewhere halfway through as there was no compact or powerful intellectual dissent such as Charta 77 or the Polish KOR. When speaking about the Czechoslovak dissent launched by Charta 77, concentrated in the Chartist movement, which during the „Velvet Revolution of 1989” transformed itself into the „Civic Forum” (Občanské fórum), we mostly speak about the Prague events. Unlike their Czech partners, the Slovak intellectuals, who stood at the roots of the opposition movement „The Public against Violence (Verejnosť proti násiliu)”, were mostly members of the Communist establishment. The transformation process of the Czech Civic Forum and the Slovak Public against Violence produced new winners of the parliamentary elections of 1992, who were clearly and unambiguously separate both from the Czech intellectual dissent and from the Slovak intellectual elite and who divided Czechoslovakia into two independent states: the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. The new situation in the post-Communist Slovak Republic very strongly suggested certain analogies with the intellectual attitude to politics during the Communist era. The victorious Movement for Democratic Slovakia (Hnutie za demokratické Slovensko) came into power, supported by part of the Slovak intellectual representation in a similar manner as did the Communist Party following the events of 1948. Vladimír Mečiar, President of the Movement for Democratic Slovakia, unwittingly managed to gather the Slovak intellectual elite under an umbrella of intellectual dissent. At that time, the main priority was getting rid of Mečiar and mečiarism, i.e., of his principle of one-leader management, which is inappropriate in the context of democracy and which is bred by pre-democratic and anti-democratic societies. The situation, by which the Slovak society became visible before the fall of mečiarism in 1997, could, from a certain perspective, be described as a crisis of political elite.
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