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CONSTRAINTS ON THE DERIVATION OF DOUBLE DIMINUTIVES IN POLISH AND UKRAINIAN

100%
Szymanek B., Derkach T.
Studies in Polish Linguistics
|
2005
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vol. 2
91-110
EN
One reason why diminutives, cross-linguistically, have attracted considerable attention in the recent morphological literature, is that they allow 'repeated application of the same rule on adjacent cycles' (Scalise 1986: 132). This property has been viewed as a characteristic trait of large areas of 'expressive' or 'evaluative' morphology in various languages (Stump 1993). From the theoretical viewpoint, repetition of identical morphemes is significant, as there is a tension between its best known instantiations, i.e. processes of reduplication, and a variety of constraints which conspire to minimize the repetition of identical morphemes; cf., for instance, the Haplological Constraint in Dressler (1977) and Stemberger (1981), the Repeated Morph Constraint in Menn and McWhinney (1984), 'identity avoidance' and the Obligatory Contour Principle in Yip (1998), or constraints on the occurrence of identical clitics in Grimshaw (1997). In this paper, we investigate the repetition of diminutive suffixes in Polish and Ukrainian, which results in so-called 'double diminutives' (e.g. Polish 'dom' (house) - 'dom-ek'(DIM1) - 'dom-ecz (DIM1)-ek' (DIM2), Ukrainian 'dub' (oak) - 'dub-ok' (DIM1) - 'dub-och(DIM1)-ok'(DIM2). An attempt is being made to define the scope and productivity of the process in question in both languages. The formation of double diminutives is shown to be conditioned, in particular, by a variety of formal properties of the input nouns. In spite of the close genetic affinity between the two languages under investigation, there are marked differences in the way they form and use double diminutives.
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Ke vzniku fázových sufixů v češtině aneb Jak se domček změnil v domeček

63%
Zikova M.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2009
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vol. 70
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issue 4
263-276
EN
This paper analyzes Czech double diminutives ending in '-ecek' created by the recursive application of the suffix '-ek' whose initial vowel alternates with zero. Diachronically speaking, these diminutives display both patterns of V-zero alternations found in Slavic languages: in OCz they follow the Havlik pattern, where alternants are in complementary distribution ('domocek'), while in MoCz they follow the Lower pattern, where strong alternants (i.e. vowels) are always preceded by strong alternants ('domecek'). The analysis of the Havlik-to-Lower change presented follows Rubach's (1984) classical analysis where the Lower pattern is derived from the cyclic application of the Lower rule which means that only the Lower pattern has internal phase structure. The author argues that in the Lower pattern, all floating vowels in a row (except the final one) vocalize, because each is immediately followed by an empty nucleus which stands at the phase boundary. Furthermore, phasehood is a lexical property, i.e. a property of a particular lexical item, namely the diminutve suffix '-ek'. From this perspective, the Havlik-to-Lower change consists in a change in the properties of the lexicon: only in MoCz is the suffix '-ek' lexically specified as a phase-trigger, in OCz it did not trigger any phase.
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