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Compensatory Lengthening in OT and DOT: Loss of Dorsal Fricatives in Middle or Early Modern English

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Kleban G.
Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies
|
2019
|
issue 28/2
47-61
EN
The loss of dorsal fricatives in English held significant consequences for the adjacent tautosyllabic vowels, which underwent Compensatory Lengthening in order to preserve a syllable weight. While the process appears to be regular in descriptive terms, its evaluation handled within standard Optimality Theory highlights the ineffectiveness of the framework to parse both the segment deletion and two weight-related processes: Weight- by-Position and vowel lengthening due to mora preservation. As Optimality Theory has failed to analyse the data in a compelling manner, the introduction of derivation, benefit- ting from the legacy of Lexical Phonology, seems inevitable. The working solution is provided by Derivational Optimality Theory, which assumes a restrictive use of intermediate stages throughout the evaluation.
2
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Russian intervocalic deletion in Derivational Optimality Theory

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Mołczanow J.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics
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2012
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vol. 48
285-314
EN
The article addresses issues connected with the deletion of the glide j in intervocalic contexts and the distribution of the sequences ji and ij in Russian. It has been assumed in generative phonology that the surface distinction between glides and vowels is not encoded in the lexicon, but, rather, is a result of syllabification rules, which ensure that the underlying high vowel is realised as a glide in syllable margins. At first glance, it appears that Russian glides eschew such an analysis, as both [ij] and [ji] sequences are found on the surface and it is unclear which underlying //i// should be turned into a glide. However, the present paper demonstrates that the distribution of high vowel i and the glide j is systematic and there is no need to prespecify j in the lexicon. The basic generalisation is that both the occurrence of the glide in onset or coda position and the deletion of the glide intervocalically are conditioned by the presence of an underlying fleeting vowel, the so-called yer.
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The Interaction of Yer Deletion and Nasal Assimilation in Optimality Theory

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Iwan K.
Research in Language
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2015
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vol. 13
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issue 2
162-178
EN
The problem of opacity presents a challenge for generative phonology. This paper examines the process of Nasal Assimilation in Polish rendered opaque by the process of Vowel Deletion in Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 1993), which currently is a dominating model for phonological analysis. The opaque interaction of the two processes exposes the inadequacy of standard Optimality Theory arising from the fact that standard OT is a non-derivational theory. It is argued that only by introducing intermediate levels can Optimality Theory deal with complex cases of opaque interactions.
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