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Poland, being the biggest country among the new Member States, has a welldefined foreign policy interest, particularly towards the Eastern neighbourhood. This article examines the involvement of Polish Presidency of the Council in the development of the foreign and security policy of the European Union. Considering the serious limitations placed on the role of the rotating Presidency in the post-Lisbon institutional framework, the analysis investigates the patterns of action Poland followed, which involved the providing of the operational backup for the High Representative as well as bringing its own contributions to the agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council. As the article demonstrates, the rotating Presidency can still redound to the further development of the foreign and security policy.
EN
Comparing four groups of post-communist transition countries—those which became EU members, those with candidate status, and two groups which are considered mere partners with or without a future membership perspective—the authors examine to what extent there are visible accession effects. The basic assumption is that countries which were under the pressure of the Copenhagen criteria and under constant EU supervision should have developed more favourably than the others with respect to good governance, dynamic market economy growth, and public policies in line with the idea of a European social model. The empirical analysis seeks to clarify to what extent there were selection effects prior to EU candidacy, to what extent countries with and without a membership option diverged, and to what extent there was convergence within the groups of member states, of candidate countries and of other post-socialist countries. Accession effects are found to be more discernible in the fields of economic growth and of political democracy than in the fields of social cohesion and quality of life.
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