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1

THE EU’S EASTERN PARTNERSHIP – MORE FOR MORE, OR MORE OF THE SAME?

100%
Kurowska X., Pawlak P.
Yearbook of Polish European Studies
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2011
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vol. 14
109-122
EN
he Eastern Partnership (EaP) is a relatively recent form of the EU’s engagement with its Eastern neighbours, although it is firmly placed in the existing frameworks of cooperation. Initiated as a restatement of the EU’s commitment to diffusing shared democratic values, it confronts a distinct degree of democratic backsliding in the region. The EU’s rediscovery of civil society as an instrument to curb such troubling developments is commendable. Yet it is crucial that civil society involvement in reform goes beyond being a mere procedural requirement and strives towards genuine ownership. In order to achieve this, the definition of civil society needs to be inclusive and derived from the local political context. A more individualised approach to forging relations with countries in the region is a positive sign, but it can only come to fruition if it is accompanied by a substantive rethinking of the logic of the EU’s assistance. The proliferation of tracks and venues of cooperation that the EaP brings about requires a better justification for the allocated funding and more in terms of its synergy with existing programmes for and in the region.
2

THE ROLE OF POLAND IN THE CREATION PROCESS OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP

100%
Adamczyk A.
Yearbook of Polish European Studies
|
2010
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vol. 13
195-204
EN
The 2004 Enlargement of the European Union, involving the accession of 10 states, forced the EU to create a special policy with regard to its new neighbours - the European Neighbourhood Policy. This initiative encouraged the neighbours of the integrated Europe to introduce political and economic reforms aimed at strengthening democracy and free market. For four years, the ENP has not yielded the expected results. Its main flaw was the fact that it included two groups of states which are very different in political, social and economic terms - the Mediterranean states and Eastern European states. It was also a mistake that the EU clearly signalled that there is no chance for these states to join the Union. The fiasco of EU policy under the ENP contributed to the intensification of the efforts of Polish politicians to increase the effectiveness of EU's co-operation with its eastern neighbours. With the support of Sweden, Poland managed to create a new EU initiative under EPS - the Eastern Partnership - aimed at Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Moldova. The aim of the Partnership is to deepen the co-operation between the EU and its neighbours, while not rejecting their possible accession in future. However, whether this initiative can be realised will depend on the willingness of all the parties involved to co-operate - both the EU Member States and the neighbouring states.
3
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Źródła finansowania reform w państwach Partnerstwa Wschodniego

100%
Latoszek E., Kłos A.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2015
|
issue 3
77-100
EN
The Eastern Partnership program was established in May of 2009 and became a part of EU external policy. It contains a complex concept addressed to all countries participating in the Program. Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine have established a wide range of close political and economic cooperation with the European Union. Under Eastern Partnership cooperation the benefi ciary countries can count on financial and organizational support in the implementation of the wide range reforms in their economies. This article aims to present the main sources of fi nancial support addressed to the Eastern Partnership countries and the current state of implementation of the Eastern Partnership objectives. The article shows the nature and purpose of the establishment of the Eastern Partnership, presents the specificity of programs addressed to the Partnership countries by the European Union, the European Investment Bank and the Visegrad Group countries.
4
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Blaski i cienie Partnerstwa Wschodniego Unii Europejskiej

88%
Barburska O.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
|
2015
|
issue 4
49-70
EN
The article seeks to provide a synthetic assessment of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership, which is perceived as one of the key instruments of EU’s Eastern Policy. The author presents the genesis of this am¬bitious undertaking, followed by its principles, institutions and mechanisms, as well as the financial and economic aspects. In the final part of the article, the author examines both the shortcomings of the Partnership and its undeniable achievements.
5
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Polska jako kreator polityki wschodniej Unii Europejskiej

88%
Milczarek D.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2015
|
issue 4
27-48
EN
The article is an attempt to evaluate Poland’s role as a country that initiates and executes the European Union’s policy towards Eastern Europe. The starting point of the discussion is a presentation of the nature and evolution of the EU’s Eastern Policy, taking into account its definition, main objectives, genesis, as well as the geographical location and time frame. It has also been pointed out that this policy constitutes the Eastern component of a broader structure: the European Neighbourhood Policy, divided into strategic partnership with Russia and a new element, established on the initiative of the Polish diplomacy, called the Eastern partnership. Against this background, the author analyses the role of the Polish diplomacy, for whom active participation in the EU’s Eastern Policy is one of the key elements necessary for safeguarding Polish national interest. In this context, the author presents the main Polish political and diplomatic initiatives and undertakings in this regard. The articles culminates with a brief attempt to evaluate the achievements and shortcomings of Poland’s engagement in shaping the EU’s Eastern Policy.
6

Eastward Enlargement of the European Union – a Success Story or an Unfi nished Project? The Polish Point of View

88%
Milczarek D.
Yearbook of Polish European Studies
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2014
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vol. 17
s.59-90
EN
This article presents a concise analysis, performed from Poland’s point of view, of the genesis, effects and future prospects of the enlargement of the European Union to the east. Initially, the enlargement concerned a group of 11 post-communist states of Central and Eastern Europe, which became members of the EU between 2004 and 2013, and has brought about positive results for both the new members and for the EU as a whole. In the broadly defi ned east of Europe, however, there is still a group of countries aspiring to EU membership and taking various measures towards this end. The European Union supports these efforts, but has no full and clearly defi ned policy in this regard. There is much to indicate that the possibilities of further EU enlargement to the east are presently exhausted. The candidate countries are greatly hindered in their striving for EU membership by their complicated internal and international situations, while most EU Member States are distinctly unwilling to accept new members at this time. This will not change even despite the positions of such countries as Poland, which considers the enlargement of the EU to the east vital to its interests, but which so far does not have suffi cient stature for its voice to take precedence.
7
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Constitutional Perspective of the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement Application: Ukrainian Problems – European Remedies

88%
Moskalenko O., Streltsov V.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2015
|
issue 2
121-140
EN
The political importance of the EU–Ukraine association agreement – to say its vital existential role for the future of Ukraine and the dramatic event surrounding its conclusion overshadowed the pure legal aspects of its implementation. However, the commencement of its provisional application brings legal aspects to the front. At the current state, there is a gap between the Ukrainian constitutional order and the ultimate obligation of Ukraine to implement the binding decision of the supranational institutions established under the Agreement (Association Council and Committee). The successful experience of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which had the similar problems, shows possible solutions to the problem. Particularly, in Slovakia and Poland it was a constitutional reform with the introduction to the Constitution of separate articles legitimizing the status of documents, adopted by international organization, certainly including the Association Agreement institutions and later the European Union itself. This development created important legal prerequisites for further European integration of the countries, which ended up with full-scale EU membership. Moreover, the general trend of consolidating the principles of supremacy and direct applicability of the EU law at the level of national constitutional acts of member states reflects the specific features of the EU law application as well as its inter-connection and inter-dependence with the national legal systems. Therefore at the level of its constitution Ukraine has to accept the specific role of the EU law as a sui generis legal system. At the current stage the focus is certainly on the implementation of the Association institutions’ decisions, however, in a longer perspective there is a distinct need for the constitutional consolidation of principles governing the inter-relations of the EU law and national law of the member states – i.e. the principles of direct applicability and the supremacy. It is necessary to emphasize that despite the fact that EU law is not binding for Ukraine at this moment, it is important to use it at least as the 60 Ibidem. interpretive tool for the application of the national legislation due to the legislatively set goal of European integration. In this way the Ukrainian legal system will get rid of the limits, preventing it from exposition to the EU legal system, contributing to its independent development towards the standards already existing in the European Union. From this perspective the overcome of the mentioned constitutional gap is of critical importance for the creation of adequate procedures of the practical implementation of the Association Agreement.
8
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Unia Europejska, Ukraina i Rosja: kryzysy i bezpieczeństwo

75%
Stępniewski T.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2015
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issue 4
11-26
EN
The aim of the present paper is an attempt at viewing the European Union’s and Russia’s policies towards Ukraine from the perspective of crises experienced by the country and the whole area of Eastern Europe, as well as regarding the issue of security. Russia – Ukraine war drives EU decision-makers into focusing merely on stabilization of the eastern neighbourhood. On the other hand, Russia destabilises the internal situation in Ukraine and eastern neighbourhood of the EU by supporting Donetsk and Luhansk separatisms. Eastern Europe is a neighbourhood mutually shared by the EU and Russia. As a consequence, the area is vitally important for Russia and, to a lesser degree, significant for the EU. The analysis will encompass the consideration of the following research questions: Will the Ukrainian crisis result in a change of geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe? Will Ukraine become an unstable area, an area experiencing a next “suspended conflict”? Has Russia’s policy towards Ukraine reached its objectives? Is the current EU policy a token of EU decision-makers’ lack of vision as regards the prospective EU-Eastern Partnership countries’ (especially Ukraine) relations?
9
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O POVAHE TZV. UKRAJINSKEJ KRÍZY

75%
Duleba A.
Annales Scientia Politica
|
2014
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vol. 3
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issue 2
48 – 53
EN
This article aims at identifying a nature of the current Russo-Ukrainian crisis. It argues that the crisis is not accidental and short term episode, but it is necessary and objective outcome displaying long term development trends in and/or of Europe after the end of bipolar conflict. The author backs his argument by comparing different integration dynamics in the Western and Eastern parts of Europe. The collapse of the communist block helped to deepen the integration process in the Western part of Europe and it also pushed the EU to be more engaged in its neighbourhood through offering integration perspective to former communist countries as well as through offering European perspective to the Western Balkans. The Eastern partnership with the association agreement, including Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area, has become the EU response on Russia’s military intervention against Georgia in August 2008. The EU failed to establish a joint European project under the name of Common Spaces with Russia (2003-2006), therefore, confrontation between two integration projects in Europe - the one led by the EU and the other one by Russia - has to appear sooner or later.
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