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EN
This article traces the effect of socio-economic, cultural, and gender factors on the reproduction of educational inequalities in access to tertiary education in the Czech Republic, Switzerland, Germany, Poland, and Sweden. Single-country analyses conducted to date on the Czech Republic have reached conflicting results both on the development of educational inequalities since the fall of socialism and on the weight of the factors behind those inequalities. Also, no international comparison has been conducted. Thus, the authors pursue two new directions of inquiry: 1) an international comparison, and 2) an update of the development of inequalities in all the mentioned countries since 2002. The authors used multi-dimensional statistical methods (logit models and a log-linear analysis) and the most recent available international data from the European Social Survey. The results revealed that out of all the countries studied it is in the Czech Republic that access to tertiary education is currently determined most by the cultural component of social background (the father's education). The country closest to the Czech Republic in this regard is Switzerland. The educational status of the family is also a crucial factor in educational reproduction in Sweden. Paradoxically, in the countries that historically and geographically are closest to the Czech Republic, namely, Poland and Germany, the crucial determinant in the transmission of educational status is the father's class.
EN
The article presents the results of research into the educational inequalities among young inhabitants of rural areas. For the purpose of collecting empirical material a survey covering a sample of 830 grammar-school students was conducted with the help of a questionnaire. The results of the conducted analysis show that social status continues to have an influence on educational attainments of school children. Social, cultural and financial capital as well as participation in private lessons and additional courses have an influence on the results of instruction. The conducted research has also revealed new factors of educational inequalities. Only 9% of rural grammar-school students want to continue their education in the best secondary schools. These are individuals characterised by high social, cultural and economic capital as well as impressive attainments at school, who participate in additional courses and private lessons.
EN
The article is a presentation of non-state education development in Poland in the times of political system transformation, begun in 1989. There is a clear division into non-state primary and secondary education on the one hand (which is the author's main subject of interest), and non-state university education on the other hand. Initially, however, he focuses on non-state education prehistory in Poland, beginning in 1918. In concluding remarks the author assumes that schools from the private sector have finished the state's monopoly in education. They have become a new but stable education model. They encourage application of new approaches and heighten education level. If certain conditions are met by the state, they can make education chances equal in the society. Reasonable education administration should support good schools and good universities. Badly equipped schools with poor staff will have to disappear from the Polish education landscape.
EN
The following article is devoted to educational ineąualities in Poland as viewed over the course of time. Educational ineąualities can be measured in terms of effect the of social origin on the selection of students to the first and second threshold of education, i.e. when moving from primary to secondary school, and from secondary school to university. The results of various analyses conducted so far point to the especially decisive role of social origin at the first threshold (primary to secondary school). Moreover, this effect has been shown to be persistent over time. However, according to my analyses, the effect of social origin on the two educational thresholds rose dramatically in the 1990's and then fall to the level present before transformation. This analysis is based on data from research carried out on national samples from 1982 to 2002 in Poland.
EN
Stratification theories are considered in order to account for the persistence of educational inequalities in contemporary societies. A brief review of empirical evidence from different countries demonstrates that educational inequalities have not diminished for at least 50 years. To explain this phenomenon four social stratification theories are discussed: a functional theory, a theory of cultural capital, a class conflict theory, and a theory of the credential society. Reconciling the assumptions and main theses of the theories demonstrates that each of them can be profitably applied to explain some aspects of the mechanisms through which contemporary educational systems replicate social inequalities from one generation to the next.
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EN
This article presents the preliminary results of an ethnographic study focusing on eighth- and ninth-year students at two basic schools in Prague. The study conceives academic success and failure as categories that need to be explained; it is necessary to demonstrate how they are produced and ascribed with meaning in the everyday practice of student evaluation, especially by school authorities. Student evaluations are generally based on a complex assessment of a student’s aptitude and diligence, and they also reflect a student’s conduct at school conduct and attitude towards school discipline, education, and authority, i.e. towards accepted values, the school code, and other (written and unwritten) rules of interaction. Academic failure signalling some kind of shortcoming on the part of the recipient of an evaluation – be it a lack of interest, motivation, cooperation, effort, ability, or intelligence – has a moral connotation and stigmatising effect. This is legitimised by the presumption that it is the student’s own deliberate actions, his or her degree of interest and effort, that determine success or failure at school, and that this essentially has nothing to do with the student’s (natural) intelligence or (given) family background. Yet a student’s family background and available cultural resources play an important role in academic performance. Academically inclined parents, high academic ambitions on the part of a student and his or her parents, communication style, and respect for school authority are key elements of success at basic school and have a hand in the intergenerational reproduction of educational inequalities.
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