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1

ČESKOSLOVENSKÉ VOLBY 1935 A DOLNÍ PARLAMENTNÍ KOMORA: ROZDÍLY MEZI POSLANCI PROČESKOSLOVENSKÝCH A ANTISYSTÉMOVÝCH STRAN?

100%
Balík S., Fiala P.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2020
|
vol. 68
|
issue 2
291 – 312
EN
The article focuses on the elections to the Czechoslovak parliament, which took place in the middle of the crisis year 1935. It tries to answer the main research question: To what extent did the political representation of the different parties differ among themselves and to what extent did the two groups – a) the pro-Czechoslovak and b) anti-system parties – differ? We assume that the pro-Czechoslovak parties (which can also be labelled as establishment parties) will have, on average, older deputies, less regionally distributed, and will come from larger towns on average. Furthermore, we believe that the difference in the representation rate of women or university graduates or the structure of the professions should not play a major role in this respect.
2
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Normativní a empirické předpoklady moderní demokracie aneb Janusovská tvář veřejného mínění

100%
Kunstat D.
Naše společnost (Our Society)
|
2008
|
vol. 6
|
issue 2
3-7
EN
The following text outlines some aspects of people's decision making process during elections in modern mass democracies. Particularly, the aspect of (in)competence of electorate or, as the case may be, the problem of rationality of the political audience that creates the public opinion. The arguments proving the discrepancy between the normative and the empiric character of public opinion are purposely disbalanced based on the evaluation of reality. This, however, does not in any way influence the evaluation of adequacy of the democratic normative.
3
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VOLEBNÉ INŽINIERSTVO PRI VOĽBÁCH DO NR SR

100%
Drengubiak M.
Annales Scientia Politica
|
2017
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vol. 6
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issue 2
47 – 62
EN
The study focuses on the issues pertaining to the electoral engineering. Its aim is to clarify and resolve the imprecisions of the terminology referring to the changes of the legislature concerning the election process, while specifying four types of changes. The classification is subsequently applied in the analysis of the changes of the legislature concerning the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic since 1989 to this day.
4

Communication function of elections

100%
Turska-Kawa A., Wojtasik W.
Communication Today
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2013
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vol. 4
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issue 1
36-47
EN
The aim of the text is to describe one of the basic functions of the elections, executed at both normative and empirical levels - the communication function, in the context of changes in the structure of Western societies, changes in methods and strategies of political communication and evolution of forms of electoral participation. Nowadays, as the communication function is meant as the establishment of such an interaction between the actors of the electoral process, which by means of non-accidental messages and communication channels guide the decisions of voters. The authors also aim to describe the process of character transformation of the communication function of elections, resulting from changes in the political sphere and its axiological layer.
5
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Pirátské strany: nový fenomén v politice

100%
Brunclik M.
Naše společnost (Our Society)
|
2010
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vol. 8
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issue 1
21-29
EN
Pirate parties are new phenomena in politics. The first pirate party was established in Sweden in 2006 and inspired rise of pirate parties across the world. The aim of this article is to review discussion on pirate parties, describe major pirate issues and pirate parties' sympathizers as well as to attempt to explain the rise of pirate parties. Pirate parties may be conceived as a sort of liberal parties, which are focused on free internet, communication and unrestrained access to public information. The rise of pirate parties is related to developments of information society and information technologies, which - in spite of clear advantages - pose a risk: they might be abused against individual freedom and privacy.
6

EU and political parties: are EP elections and EU presidency parties’ priorities?

100%
Pacześniak A.
Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
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2010
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vol. 11
128-137
EN
Although the presidency of the Council of the European Union and elections to the European Parliament are linked to the European political space, preparations for them are made on the national arena. Priorities of the political parties, however, are not the same in the case of these two events. Preparations for the EU presidency is not a field for ideological and party involvement. A mosaic of different interests and variables which shall be taken into consideration (including the necessity of working out common priorities by the member states forming the trio of presidencies, taking into account the current international situation, finding a place on the EU calendar, respecting the EU’s progress in concrete policy areas) makes the interparty battles rank low on the list. When analysing the member states’ presidencies of the EU to date and participation of political parties in preparations for this event, we shall not expect great involvement on their part. Elections to the European Parliament have been “domesticated”, “tamed” by the national political parties, political competition realities from the national level have been adapted for the level of European elections. However, the importance of these elections is not the same for individual political parties and is affected by many factors: position held by a given political party in the national political system, relations towards power wielding (a ruling or opposition party, a parliamentary or non-parliamentary party) and the national election calendar.
7

A folkloristic/textological study of pre-election circular SMSes.

100%
Balazs G.
Magyar Nyelvor (Hungarian Language Guardian)
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2004
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vol. 128
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issue 1
36-53
EN
Initially SMS, the short text-containing message sending system of cellular phones, served the purpose of personal communication. Nevertheless, as mobile phones have been catching on, the SMS has started to function in other ways (e.g., as replacement for postcards, news service, and even as a means of mass communication). Unexpectedly, SMS was given an important role during the 2002 parliamentary elections in Hungary. Between the two election rounds, campaigning was also going on via SMS (circular SMSes). Nearly all the 300 important messages of the two weeks have been documented. The results of the present research on election SMSes are as follows: (a) formerly observed phenomena of folklore or folklore-like texts have received a new medium; (b) the new type of spoken language usage has been strengthened; (c) SMS as a medium has been extended and put to new types of uses; (d) it follows the organisation of public mass communication; (e) it differs from the private language use of SMSes; (f) colourful linguistic humour and political talk in terms of experiences have appeared; (g) the SMS led to a total election campaign and it may have had an effect on the election results.
8
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NATIONAL IDENTITY - PLURAL? SHATTERED? LOST? HUNGARIANS ABROAD AND THE FAILURES OF THE CENTRE-RIGHT IN HUNGARIAN ELECTIONS

100%
Weaver E. B.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2007
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issue 30
45-55
EN
While national identity and nationalism have long been recognized as being comprised of numerous components, they are often assumed to be singular and unified phenomena, covering the whole of any given nation. Typologies of the varieties of nationalisms (eastern–western, civic, ethnic, etc.) are generally based upon such assumptions. Another assumption often made is that ethnic nationalisms are more exclusive than civic forms of national identity. Through the example of just one aspect, that of the place held by co-ethnics who are not citizens of the national state, the author demonstrates that the assumption made by some Hungarian politicians and social scientists of the homogeneity of national identity, and attempts to mobilize it, has repeatedly led to failure in elections. The differences he demonstrates in perceptions of this single aspect of national identity in Hungary pose a challenge to assumptions made about the unified nature of nationalism, and have implications for other nations with large populations of co-ethnics living outside their state borders.
9

CAUSES OF VOTER TURNOUT CHANGE IN POLAND: EXAMPLES OF PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN 2005 AND 2007 (Przyczyny zmiany frekwencji wyborczej w Polsce: przyklady wyborów parlamentarnych w 2005 i 2007 roku)

100%
Czesnik M.
Studia Socjologiczne
|
2009
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issue 3(194)
27-52
EN
The aim of this article is to discuss causes of voter turnout change in Poland. Polish National Election Study data for the 2005 and 2007 parliamentary elections are used. The article presents theoretical model of voter turnout change. Then it proposes research design for investigating voter turnout dynamics and two alternative hypotheses explaining this phenomenon. First explains voter turnout change by referring to macro level processes, second emphasises the role of micro level dynamics. Empirical analyses suggest that voter turnout changes in Poland occur first of all due to micro level changes (transitions from voting to abstention or vice versa), and not because of macro level processes (changes within the electorate structure). Instability of voter turnout is not random - there are many statistically significant correlates of this phenomenon, such as gender, age, satisfaction with democracy.
10
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CULTURE IN THE ELECTION PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN GERMANY (2009) (Kultura w programach wyborczych partii politycznych w Niemczech (2009 rok))

100%
Waginska-Marzec M.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2010
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issue 2(335)
174-187
EN
Each of the German political parties that entered the Bundestag after the election of 2009 (CDU/CSU, SPD, FDP, Die Linke and Bundnis 90/Die Grunen) devoted much space in their election programs to issues of cultural policy and culture. The catalog of problems to which attention was drawn overlapped at many points, sometimes differing only in emphasis. Issues highlighted by all the parties included among others: strengthening the status of culture by a regulation in the Constitution that would impose mandatory support of culture by the state; favoring freedom of culture and art and its widespread accessibility; maintaining cultural diversity and investing in the development of cultural and creative economy (Kultur- und Kreativwirtschaft). Willingness was also declared to improve artists' working conditions and material situation by creating more feasible (tax and legal) regulations for the development of their artistic production (including effective protection of copyright laws) and a better system of health/retirement insurance. The need was emphasized to support public institutions in the cultural sphere and the German film industry. Greater activity was called for in the domain of foreign cultural policy, cultivation of the culture of memory, the role of cultural education, etc. All the parties noted the importance of cultural issues as an element of building national identity, expressing their will to improve the existing situation so as to create more optimal conditions and opportunities for the development of culture and the arts.
11

PŘEDSEDNICTVO ÚV KSČ V OBDOBÍ POVÁLEČNÉ VÝSTAVBY STRANY DO PARLAMENTNÍCH VOLEB V ROCE 19461

100%
Bureš Jan J.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
|
2022
|
vol. 70
|
issue 2
271 – 303
EN
In this study we deal mainly with the role of the central bodies of the leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, namely the Bureau of the Central Committee and its Secretariat, in the period from the liberation of Czechoslovakia in May 1945 to the parliamentary elections in May 1946. The presidency of the Communist Party was the highest level of a branched network of party organizations, for which it issued basic political lines and general instructions, which were subsequently developed by the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Both of these organs were relatively small, and after the first phase of their formation after the war, they quickly stabilized in terms of personnel. The Communist Party continued to be governed strongly autocratically after the war. All power was concentrated in their hands by a narrow circle of members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the party with the dominant position of Chairman Gottwald, whose decisions were implemented by the Secretariat, autocratically controlled by R. Slánský. In the period under review, both bodies focused mainly on key issues of political development and the resulting party strategy. It was mainly about solving the organizational construction of the party, the mass influx of new members, key issues of propaganda and influencing the media, solving the complicated Slovak issue, the establishment of the Provisional National Assembly in 1945, and the preparation and conduct of VIII. Congress of the Communist Party and the election campaign.
12
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OFFENCES AGAINST THE NATION-WIDE REFERENDUM ACT

100%
Jachimowicz M.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2008
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issue 1(84)
65-74
EN
Nation-wide Referendum Act is the mean by which citizens may exert direct influence on specified State issues. Hence, it is of a key importance for the proper functioning of the political system of a democratic State governed by the rule of law. The article deals with the offences specified in the Nation-wide Referendum Act. The author provides a detailed analysis of four types of offences enumerated in the Act: (1) illegal collection of signatures of support for a motion of a group of citizens being submitted to the Sejm on a nation-wide referendum (Article 83 of the Act); (2) illegal publication of the results of opinion polls on probable referendum results from the end of the referendum campaign until the conclusion of (Article 85 of the Act); (3) violation of the ban on organising lotteries in the course of referendum campaign (Article 86 of the Act) and (4) violation of a ban on serving and supply of alcoholic beverages during such campaign (Article 87 of the Act). When describing each of the offences, the author examines the subject of protection, the content of an offence, the perpetrator of an offence, and the sanctions which may be imposed for violators. He points out inappropriate wording of the provisions of the Act as well as the need for amendment of both the Act and the Penal Code (in particular its Article 248(6)). He stressed the legitimacy of general penalisation of electoral offences, but also proposes the adoption of Electoral Code to replace currently existing provisions. Such a Code could contain (in its general part) provisions concerning the holding of all types of elections and referendums in Poland, as well as penal provisions, and (as specific provisions) necessary distinctions related to particular nature of parliamentary, presidential and local elections and also different kinds of referendums.
13
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MENO AKO VÝHODA? EXPERIMENTÁLNY VÝSKUM ZAMERANÝ NA EFEKT PORADIA NA LISTINE

88%
Jusko J., Spáč P., Voda P.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2019
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vol. 51
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issue 4
339 – 366
EN
This paper examines list order of candidates in regional elections in Slovakia. We conducted an experiment with a randomized and rotated ballot ordering. Our results show that earlier positions on the list receive significantly higher portions of votes. This effect is even more substantial for candidates without public office although it works also for public office holders. Given the alphabet ranking used in regional elections in Slovakia, our study shows that candidates with surnames starting with letters from beginning of alphabet are given unfounded advantage over their rivals. In general, our findings problematize the fairness of the analysed elections.
14
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VLIV PODOBY EXEKUTIVNÍ KOALICE NA NÁSLEDNÉ VOLEBNÍ VÝSLEDKY. ČESKÁ KOMUNÁLNÍ POLITIKA V LETECH 1994 – 2014 JAKO VÝZKUMNÉ POLE

88%
Balík S.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2017
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vol. 49
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issue 1
37 – 54
EN
This article focuses on the topics related to the research of the party convergence and its impact on the election results. At the research field of the Czech municipal politics we try to answer the question whether voters behave differently towards the members of grand and other coalitions in the next elections and whether that behaviour changes in time. The impact of the coalition behaviour to the election results of the four strongest political parties at the municipal level in twenty years between 1994 and 2014 is studied.
15

VÝSLEDKY PARLAMENTNÝCH VOLIEB DO POSLANECKEJ SNEMOVNE NÁRODNÉHO ZHROMAŽDENIA V MEDZIVOJNOVOM OBDOBÍ V OKRESE ROŽŇAVA A MENŠINOVÁ PROBLEMATIKA (V POROVNANÍ S OKRESMI LEVICE A VEĽKÉ KAPUŠANY)

88%
Poláková L.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
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2015
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vol. 18
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issue 4
-
EN
The paper deals with the analysis of election results, in particular parliamentary election, to the Chamber of Deputies of the National Assembly in the interwar period. Districts Levice, Rožňava and Veľké Kapušany are compared. The attention is focused on the national composition and social structure and its effect on the political process and parliamentary results in mentioned districts. District Levice had about the same population as district Rožňava. District Veľké Kapušany was in terms of population smaller but in all studied districts was approximately equal percentage of representatives of the Hungarian minority. The election results from 1925, 1929 and 1935 show that despite a weaker representation of the Hungarian minority, when compared to the German minority, the representation of minorities in ČSR was fair and certainly better than the representation of the non-Hungarian nationalities in the pre-1918 Hungarian Parliament.
16
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ABECEDA AKO NÁSTROJ ÚSPECHU. PRÍPAD REGIONÁLNYCH VOLIEB NA SLOVENSKU

88%
Spáč P., Voda P., Zagrapan J.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2016
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vol. 48
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issue 1
71 - 90
EN
This paper deals with the name order of candidates and its influence on results in regional elections in Slovakia. Using a dataset of 8,881 persons we found that candidates with names from both the beginning and the end of the alphabet are clearly advantaged when compared to their rivals. These candidates occupy the front and bottom positions on the ballot lists what increases their likelihood of becoming elected. Hence the system used in regional elections in Slovakia fails to be neutral as it treats the candidates differently on an unjustifiable basis.
17
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REGIONÁLNE ČRTY POLITICKEJ KULTÚRY A VOLEBNÉHO SPRÁVANIA OBČANOV UKRAJINY: REGIONALIZÁCIA ALEBO SEPARÁCIA?

88%
Kľučkovič A.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2014
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vol. 3
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issue 1
15 – 19
EN
The article analysed distinctions of electoral behaviour among different regions of Ukraine. The election results in the period 1991 – 2012 made it possible to conclude that the fundamental importance of regional factors is present in the system of electoral preferences of citizens. The main reasons and factors of ideological differences among the regions are presented. Main attention is paid on the clarifying the regional polarity of political culture and electoral behaviour of citizens according to an axis “east – west”.
18

NEGATIVE SELECTION AND MORAL RISK IN POLITICS. AN OUTLINE OF THE USEFULNESS TO POLITICAL SCIENCE OF THE ECONOMIC CONCEPT OF INFORMATION ASYMMETRY (Hungarian title - below)

88%
Szanto Z.
Kozgazdasagi Szemle (Economic Review)
|
2009
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vol. 56
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issue 6
563-571
EN
(Title in Hungarian - 'Kontraszelekcio es erkolcsi kockazat a politikaban. Vazlat az informacios aszimmetria kozgazdasagtani fogalmainak politikatudomanyi alkalmazhatosagarol'). The paper argues in favour of employing in political science the economic concept of information asymmetry, seeking to show that the mechanisms of information asymmetry among the players on the political market may have negative effects on the operation of a democratic political system as information asymmetry among economic actors - according to arguments of Nobel prize-winning economists - has on the efficiency of market competition. The paper sheds new light on the phenomenon of negative political selection (known since Plato's time), and goes on to deal in detail with the appearance of moral risk and client/agent relations in politics. The author touches also on the appearance in politics of mechanisms - signals and filters - that economists suggest for reducing information asymmetry.
19
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DISTRIBÚCIA VEREJNÝCH ZDROJOV AKO NÁSTROJ MOBILIZÁCIE VOLEBNEJ PODPORY. PRÍPAD ALOKÁCIE HASIČSKEJ TECHNIKY NA SLOVENSKU

88%
Šulková V., Spáč P.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2021
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vol. 53
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issue 4
377 - 399
EN
The research shows that political parties use public resources as a vote-buying mechanism. This paper analyses the distribution of fire engines to Slovak municipalities before 2016 election. We find that towns with mayors from the ruling party as well as municipalities where this party scored better in previous election were advantaged in the selection process. We also show that grants increase the electoral support of the ruling party and even more substantially they boost the share of votes of the government representative who personally directed the distribution. This positive effect is strongest in smaller municipalities and it weakens with rising town population.
20
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DYNAMICS OF THE PARTY SYSTEM IN SPAIN IN THE LIGHT OF THE GENERAL ELECTIONS

88%
Měšťánková P.
Annales Scientia Politica
|
2023
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vol. 12
|
issue 2
5 – 23
EN
This study examines the transformation of the Spanish party system, particularly in the context of the July 2023 general elections. Over the last decade, the party system has become more fragmented and polarized. From a two-party format, the contest has gradually turned into a competition between two blocs: the right and the left. The July 2023 general elections showed that the party system has partially stabilized, with the mainstream parties (PP and PSOE) recovering, but not enough to form a single-party government. Support from regional parties remains essential for forming a central government. However, the possibilities for cooperation between political parties are limited by the nature of the party blocs, and the high degree of ideological and social polarization.
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