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EN
Ethnic conflicts can be analyzed in many different ways. One of the latest methods is to present them by means of a research model known as the interferential model of ethnic conflict. The model attributes a significant role to the interdisciplinary character of ethnic conflict, meaning that it can be viewed not only from the perspective of politics, ethnicity, religion or ideology, but also by considering the sociological, psychological, historical, economic and cultural planes. Emphasis is also placed on feedback understood as mutual permeation of the spheres of causes and effects, on account of which the factor that causes an ethnic conflict (e.g. ethnic cleansing) might also become its result.
EN
A conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the area of Nagorno-Karabakh seems to be 'one-way traffic' reaching no agreement. In fact, there is no chance of making a long-lasting breakthrough in the negotiations which means that the dispute will continue to destabilize South Caucasus for a long time. Despite the importance of the argument, there are no comments on it in the media or any academic publications. The issue of Nagorno-Karabakh has long since been treated instrumentally and used to accelerate feuds between the countries in Caucasus. The conflict of interests of so many players in the region of South Caucasus results in that the actual situation in the region - an originally ethnic conflict - became an element of geopolitical and economic game between Russia and the West (which, instead of hampering the escalation of the conflict, become its catalysts). The present article aims at analyzing the actual conflict in the most exhaustive way that is possible - from its origin, through the armed phase, up to the present situation in the region; with a special emphasis placed on the proposals to solve the dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh discussed from the point of view of interests of the countries directly or indirectly involved in the conflict. The article ends with an attempt to predict the future development of the situation in the region and to answer a question whether the parties will manage to break the impasse or the situation will remain stalemate.
EN
Situation after the breakdown of the totalitarian political systems is characterized by the surge in nationalism and its exploitation in the political relations between the nations inhabiting former communist countries. In some areas of the post-communist territory, the political fracases have changed into hot ethnic conflicts. The author compares two post-communist regions: East Central Europe within latent ethnic conflict, and South-eastern Europe, where the demise of communism has been accompanied by three bloody ethnic wars. The paper is aiming to understand the reasons of such crucial difference in two neighbouring regions.
EN
The Roma minority is discriminated against in most European countries; also in some Western countries, where the Roma have immigrated recently. They are often attacked by gangs of skinheads, neo-Nazis and radical rightists. In the post-communist countries, they are not only discriminated against, but also segregated. Their physical security is poorly protected. Most of the attackers are trained not only in anti-Roma racism, but in anti-semitism as well. Anti-semitic prejudice has something in common with the prejudices held against the Roma. This paper shows historical links between the two phenomenon and structural similarities between violence against Jews and Roma. The author tries to answer the question why contemporary European public opinion, so sensitive to anti-Jewish discrimination, so easily closes its eyes when the Roma are deported, surrounded by a wall, beaten or even killed.
EN
This article examines the murder of a Polish immigrant in New Britain, Connecticut in January 2006 by a young Puerto Rican woman. While newspaper accounts and websites describe the murder as a random act, the use of ethnic slurs and characterization of the victim and perpetrator by their ethnic identities insinuate the murder was a result of conflict between Poles and Puerto Ricans. In this article, I suggest a counter narrative, one that focuses on the socio-economic conditions in the neighborhood where the murder took place. Using census tract data, I show that the Poles and Puerto Ricans were living together in a space of concentrated poverty related to high unemployment, low educational attainment, and high rates of poverty, social conditions that are related to higher rates of crime, delinquency, substance abuse, and violence.
6
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Whose Jews? Whose Bosnia? Whose Europe?

61%
Lud
|
2012
|
vol. 96
51-73
EN
Bosnia-Herzegovina’s governance depends on a constitution that was drafted in Dayton, Ohio. It designates the Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs (along with Others) the country’s constituent peoples. Although Jews have been residents of Bosnia-Herzegovina for 500 years, with the country’s new constitution they have disappeared from official records into the residual category of Others. This article considers how, nonetheless, the Jews of Sarajevo persist as an active community and a named group even as its identity is being defined by others. The interrelated questions, “Whose Jews? Whose Bosnia? Whose Europe?” have no neat, finite answers while Jews-as-Others and Bosnia as an ethnically divided and overdetermined, EU-supervised country remain precariously perched on unsettled and unsettling configurations of rights and power.
7
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Zahraniční politika Arménie v letech 1991–2004

51%
EN
This article analyses evolution of the post-Soviet Armenian foreign policy during the first fourteen years of Armenia's existence as an independent state. The introductory section briefly analyses key regional factors into which the Armenian diplomacy developed - with an emphasis on the historical context connected with unsettled relations with Turkey, the most significant neighbour, and Russia and with respect to the internal development of this small south Caucasian country. Important factors of Armenian foreign policy regarding Nagorno-Karabakh and its neighbour Azerbaijan are analysed together with the (non)recognition of the Armenian genocide and its significance to the relations between Yerevan and Ankara but also Armenia-Russia and Armenia-Iran.
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