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EN
The article compares laws on ethnic minorities recently introduced in Poland with those existing in other countries in Europe and with international regulations in that field. The authoress discusses the questions how much the Polish regulations reflect the spirit of the time and of the region and to what extend they are related to the other elements of the Polish political system as well as to the historical and cultural environment. In July 2000 Poland ratified the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. It should be also mentioned that provisions concerning rights of minorities in the sphere of education, the state radio and television programs as well as in the electoral law are included in bilateral treaties concluded with all Poland's neighbors. Although such a state of affairs is provisional one, in the authoress' opinion it is the first step in right direction. Regretfully, even a personal engagement and support of Jacek Kuron, legendary co-founder of 'Solidarity' Trade Union and for many years the chairman of the Parliamentary Commission for National and Ethnic Minorities, could not convince the Polish Parliament to pass the general law regulating institutional rights of minorities in Poland, what illustrates how difficult that problem remains for the Polish authorities. Now, when Kuron has left the political scene, and the government battles with the budget deficit, the new legislation in that field does not seem to be the governmental priority.
EN
While decline and/or extinction threaten an ever-increasing number of languages, most of these are minority tongues that struggle for survival against dominant languages. The present paper reports the case of Belarussian, a national and co-official language, which the great majority of the population of Belarus considers as its mother tongue, but which has became endangered due to sustained official policies discriminating against it, and the general apathy of the population. The paper places this complex and puzzling situation in the historical context of people long accustomed to changing cultural and linguistic elites, with a succession of rulers that paid little regard to the wishes or needs of the majority of the country's inhabitants. Recent data are presented showing the rapid decline in the teaching of Belarussian language in schools and other public domains and the use of mixed dialects as the prevailing mode of communication, shifting through a Belarussian-Russian mix (trasianka) to Russian. The efforts of a small national linguistic elite to sustain the use of standard Belarusian is examined against the concept of language as a core value of culture and Fishman's framework for reversing language shift, in order to evaluate the prospects of maintaining Belarussian as an integral part of the linguistic heritage of Europe.
EN
From the 15th century onward Roma have been a stable element of Poland's ethnic structure. Differently than other ethnic minorities they did not succumb to the process of assimilation with the native population. For centuries there had been no major changes in Romani customs, the basic one being a nomadic lifestyle. In the course of increasing totalitarian tendencies of the political system established in Poland in 1945, the Roma's nomadic and thus uncontrolled lifestyle was in growing contradiction with the norms imposed on the whole of society. Starting from 1952 special administrative measures were implemented towards a social assimilation of the Roma, but their efficiency was limited, especially in what was the central objective of state policy regarding Roma, namely inducing them to convert to a settled life. Wielkopolska (Great Poland) was one of those regions where realization of the state policy toward Roma encountered serious obstacles. Although actions undertaken in the years 1952-1975 did bring significant changes in the Roma's way of life, the process of their social assimilation was to continue for many years. In certain respects even today it cannot be considered as completed.
EN
This study deals with the question of crisis in the Polish Socialists Worker's Party in the Czechoslovak part of the Teschen Silesia in the years 1934 and 1935. In 1934 Poland arranged a pact on non-aggression with the Nazi Germany. The Polish diplomacy then started sharp propagandist campaign against Czechoslovakia, under the pretext of the Czechoslovak persecution of the Polish minority in the Czechoslovak part of Teschen Silesia. This situation put the Polish socialists in the Czechoslovakia before the dilemma, whether keep the loyalty towards their Polish ethnicity, or towards Czechoslovak democracy, because the ruling regime of so-called 'sanacja' in Poland was authoritative and undemocratic. The aim of this study is to show, how Polish socialists deal themselves with this dilemma. At the preparing of this study were mainly used materials from the Land Archives in Opava, the Moravian Land Archives in Brno, the National Archives in Prague, in the Polish institution 'Biblioteka Slaska' (the Silesian Library) in Katowice and from the press of that time.
EN
The article is composed of three chapters, corresponding to the three discussed themes. The first chapter addresses the problem of the social science theory in the field of ethnic minorities, more specifically, then, it outlines the author's delimitation of three particular types of ethno-cultural communities in the other-ethnic milieu, which are: 1. ethno-enclave, 2. ethno-diaspora, 3. ethno-dispersion. The second chapter, which forms also a specific thematic bloc, deals with migration of the Czechs to Bulgaria, delineating of individual migratory waves and their basic specification, all of which is framed in the conceptual scheme set up in the previous chapter. In the last chapter, finally, the author discusses and analyses the most important factors influencing the contacts of ethnic communities both at the general level and applied to one particular case of the only Czech village in Bulgaria - Vojvodovo.
EN
The problem of national minorities marginalization needs to be considered in a broader context than the case of other groups touched by this phenomenon. From sociological point of view marginalization by definition is a feature of national minorities because of their subordination to dominant group. It limits the opportunity of providing specific cultural needs that are representative for majority. In this sense, all national minorities are touched by ethnic-cultural marginalization. Social policy theory usually defines marginalization as a lack of equal access to welfare, labour market and education. According to this only few national minorities in Poland may be acknowledged as marginalized. The first group are the Roms who may be characterized as totally marginalized. Two other groups may be described as less educated what causes disadvantageous differences in their social structure in comparison to the structure of the whole society. In case of Belarussians it is a consequence of intensive polonisation of the better educated members of this group. In case of German minority, legal and simple work in Germany is valued more than higher social position in Poland.
EN
Te year 2008 was named by the European Commission the Year of Intercultural Dialogue. Celebrations of the Year were intended to: respect and promote cultural diversity, support the idea of solidarity, ensure equal opportunity to the inhabitants of the EU, build partner relations with member EU countries and with the countries from outside the Community. Tis article is a short presentation of main events of the Year of Intercultural Dialogue in Poland. Tis paper draws attention to cultural pluralism and as to how cultural pluralism is implemented by the media. How the idea and the events of Year of Intercultural Dialogue were presented by media in Poland. Moreover, this paper analyzes how journalists contributed to promote cultural diversity and intercultural dialogue. Tis study is based on policy documents, reports of governments, NGO’s and international organizations, academic literature and content analyses of media in Poland.
EN
In the presented study is analyzed a political discourse in Hungary about providing non-resident citizenship to the ethnic Hungarians living abroad. The double citizenship is a delicate phenomenon which is often a subject to intensive internal discussions or even conflicts of different political parties and organizations in various states which introduce this issue to their legislation. In some cases this question touches the interstates relations, particularly if non-resident citizenship has been granted to the members of related ethnic minorities living close to borders of neighbouring countries. In Hungary, the country with nearly 3 million ethnic Hungarians living in the neighbouring states, the double citizenship became one of the central issues of political discussions and confrontations in the years 1998-2010. The principal difference in the approach to this topic between the two main parties - the Hungarian Socialist Party and the Federation of Young democrats (FI DESZ) - lies in the interpretation of the relation of Hungary to the ethnic Hungarians living abroad. While the Socialists are claiming that the ethnic origin and citizenship should not be identical, strategic goal of FI DESZ is to unite Hungarian Nation over the borders by creating judicial ties of members of Hungarian minorities to the Hungarian state including non-resident citizenship. In 1998-2001 FI DESZ did not want to jeopardize the accession of Hungary to the EU and its ambition to become a leader in the Central Europe so that the double citizenship was expelled out of the centre of the political discourse. Instead of that the parliament approved the Law on preferential treatment of Hungarians living abroad. In the two last debates prevailed the interest of FI DESZ to strengthen its position in the political competition with the Socialists.
EN
In my paper I analysed the characteristics of the relationship between the 'minorities' (it is the special name of the Gypsies) and the 'majority' in the institutions of health service. These relationships often cause tensions and I tried to find explanations for them in the cultural differences. One of the most important results of the research is that the institutions of health service - mainly the hospitals - are fearful of the members of the 'minority' in two aspects. The sense of being threatened is an important part of 'minority' life, which has a strong effect on the integration of the community. The sense of being threatened is especially strong in hospitals that are dangerous places for the 'majority' too. The different customs and norms in these special situations often cause unsolvable problems for the nurses, doctors and for the members of the minority. A more thorough knowledge of different cultures could help to improve the possibility of healing in the health institutions.
World Literature Studies
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2018
|
vol. 10
|
issue 1
50 – 62
EN
This article is both an analysis of the image of Tatars in modern Romanian literature (c. 1830–1948) and a theoretical reflection on the manner in which, in some Central and Eastern European literatures, such as the Romanian one, “frontier Orientalism” (Andre Gingrich) contributed to the creation of transnational communities. Thus, although the Tatars are not very frequently depicted in Romanian literature, they have acquired a pivotal function here. In contrast to the image of Oriental Muslims in the Western area of Central and Eastern Europe, which tends to polarize along the ethical axis of good vs. evil (e. g., the Bosnian vs. the Turks), Tatars have an ambiguous function in modern Romanian literature, caused both by their Orientalization as a Muslim Other and by the discovery of various ethnic similarities with the Romanians, generated by their common status of “small(er) nations”.
EN
The following article attempts to analyze and interpret the findings of the National Census 2002 with respect to national and ethnic minorities. Apart from a concise summary of numerical data from particular voivodships, more attention is paid to such issues as: methodological remarks regarding questions about the respondents' national identity entailed in the census and the effects of asking such questions, factors distorting one's declaration of national identity, some comments and reactions of minorities to the census results. I take a morę analytic approach towards the three biggest minorities: German, Ukraininan and Byelorussian ones. The census data provide many important data but only when we treat them as complementary information and also when the numbers are somehow considered relative to the situation of a particular minority, as well as the direction and stage of that situation's change. Thanks to the census we know much morę about national and ethnic minorities in Poland. This knowledge is, however, secondary, partial, allowing more for formulating hypotheses than firm conclusions. For example we know for sure that there exists a Silesian identification functioning as a basie ethnic identity, which cannot be narrowed to a regional identity. However, we do not know much about the further evolution of this community. Key words: national census, ethnic and national minorities, national identification.
EN
In this article we will concentrate our attention on auto- and hetero-stereotypes of members of five traditional ethnic minorities living in Slovakia: Hungarian, Czech, Roma, Ruthenian, and Ukrainian. Through intergroup stereotyping we understand standardized and simplified images and beliefs of individual members or groups as a whole. Stereotypes usually correspond to a holder’s beliefs and social objects; in the case of intergroup stereotypes these are typically personality characteristics. Data was collected in the second half of 2017 in all regions of Slovakia. The total quota sample in our research consists of 972 adult respondents: 165 Hungarians, 160 Roma, 165 Czechs, 160 Ruthenians, 160 Ukrainians, and 162 Slovaks. The obtained results reflect clearly the positive reciprocal effect in the Warmth hetero-stereotypes dimension for the most ethnic group dyads. This is especially visible in the case of Slovaks-Czechs, and Ruthenians-Ukrainians bonds, but also is present in mutual relations between all ethnic group members except for Roma. The competence dimension reproduces the picture described above, but ties between the mentioned closest dyads are slightly weaker and hetero-stereotypes to the Roma moved slightly more to the negative pole. Figures in the Data connected with auto-stereotypes of all groups reflect the known fact about their favourableness in comparison with hetero-stereotypes. Hetero-stereotypes of respondents to 5 target groups (4 minority ethnic groups - Hungarians, Ruthenians, Ukrainians, Czechs and for comparison Slovaks representing the majority) expressed to an important extent patterns of similarity, locating all 6 compared groups of respondents (including Roma) into the positive quadrant of the Stereotype Content Model represented by high warmth and high competence. This result supports the picture described in previous analyses (Homišinová, Výrost, 2005; Výrost, 2005) and confirms the stability of mutual perceptions. The situation with hetero-stereotypes to the Roma target ethnic group is visibly different; its location to low-low quadrant in both the dimensions of the Stereotype Content Model is univocal. These results fill in the picture of social status and conditions of living of the Roma population in general (Europe) and in Slovakia.
EN
The authors of the text provide information about Slovaks in Croatia in the censuses between 1880 and 2011 with regard to the Slovak language as a native language of Slovaks in Croatia. In the first part authors bring information about the arrival of Slovaks in Croatia, and then deal with their number, religious and gender structure as well as their literacy. The text is the result of research in the Croatian State Archives and published material in the Central Bureau of Statistics and literature. In conclusion the authors emphasize the need of a systematic approach to the study of Slovak communities in Croatia.
EN
From the time of independence, Kazakhstan authorities seek to shape the united people of Kazakhstan. One obstacle in this process is that 95 per cent of the population of Kazakhstan consists of the representatives of seven nations, and an additional difficulty is caused by the cultural diversity of Kazakhs. The article presents the results of analyses designed in order to gather information about the present state of national and historical consciousness of the young Kazakh intelligentsia, its relation to other ethnic groups, the changes taking place in the country and its culture. The results confirm that, despite 20 years of independence, in Kazakhstan there still is a large cultural difference between Russian- and Kazakh-speaking Kazakhs. However, one has to admit that the country after a period of strong influence of Russian culture is increasingly undergoing the process of Kazakhization. This process is irreversible, although Russian elements will still be visible.
15
Content available remote

Pomacká menšina v Řecku

70%
EN
The article deals with the position of Pomaks - Slavic speaking Muslims - in Greece since 1919 when the region where Pomaks live was annected by Greece. Greece doesn't officially recognize Pomaks as an ethnic minority and Pomaks' cultural and religious rights are protected only by their membership in the Western Thrace Muslim Minority, consisting of Pomaks, Turks and Roma people. Despite that fact the Greek State attempted to create a specific Pomak policy in past, especially in years after the Cyprus Crisis of 1974. Appart from Pomaks-state relations, the position of Pomaks within the Muslim Minority is also analysed in the article, with special focus on the Greek Turks' turkifying campaign that seems to have succeeded in case of vast majority of Greek Pomaks.
EN
The long-term research of the state of traditional culture and institutional background of Slovaks living abroad by ethnologist Zuzana Drugová brings a deeper connection on the expatriate community and knowledge of the current needs and manifestations of the phenomena in question. As a manager of the Methodological Centre for Slovaks Living Abroad at Matej Bel University in Banská Bystrica, she is dedicated to research various elements of the traditional culture of Slovaks in the “Low Land”. Special emphasis is placed on the specifics of their existence in the communities of folklore groups and as a motivating factor for the self-identification of members of the Slovak minority in the educational process. The paper provides an insight into selected aspects of the activities of institutions, personalities and of the presentation of the culture of Slovaks living abroad.
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2008
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vol. 1
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issue 1
41-56
EN
The author has discussed some of the problems of journals edited by ethnic minorities in Poland between the years 1989–2007. He has taken and described the most important tittles from a wide range of at least one hundred such journals. The author then showed on what scale these periodicals were registered in the national bibliography. Finally he has given several examples of library stocks (universities and public libraries), which are still collecting these ethnic minority journals. It appears that the number of these titles are very little.
EN
Notwithstanding lack of detailed and freely accessible data, this paper examines the heavily underresearched issue of ethno-nationalism and separatism amid Iran's largest ethnic minority, Azerbaijanis, in an attempt to identify whether they may pose a threat to the territorial integrity of the Islamic Republic. Despite the fact that Azerbaijanis, a predominantly shiite community speaking a Turkic language, have historically been deeply integrated into Iranian society generating numerous élite members, recent decades have seen a gradual rise of nationalistic sentiments among them; sentiments that in some occassions have bordered on claims for secession. The authors claim that this process was instigated by a range of factors including the obtaining of independence by the post-Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan, introduction of Turkish and Azeri satellite TV broadcast to Iran’s Azerbaijani provinces and increasing levels of economic migration from Iranian Azerbaijan to Turkey. The authors conclude by stating that as of yet, the community of Iranian Azerbaijanis is deepy divided between religiously-minded assimilationists advocating for the established status quo and ever radicalized ethno-nationalists whose aim is to at least achieve more ethno-cultural rights for themselves.
EN
Results of a representative sociological survey of the Slovak public‘s openness to the ideas of right-wing extrémism in 2012 confirm the initial hypothesis of the growing tolerance towards extrémist activities and even their active encouragement. In Slovakia, 4 % of the population, a segment that shares extréme right-wing ideas, has expressed their willingness to support those political parties that offer radical solutions in the elections. At the same time, 7% of the population that hold views typical of the right-wing extrémism are willing to support the extrémist parties through active participation in public meetings. By contrast, in the Czech Republic, the risk group constitutes only 8 % of the population (2 % - potential voters, 6 % - participants in events). The highest incidence of right-wing extrémism has been observed in the youngest population stratum aged under 29, which manifests the greatest readiness to support extrémism both in the elections and through active participation in meetings up to the use of force in handling potential problems with troublesome groups (13 %) both in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia.
PL
Celem artykułu jest prezentacja kontekstu instytucjonalnego sytuacji polskich uczniów w brytyjskich szkołach, na terytorium Anglii i Szkocji. Przedstawione zostaną dane na temat liczebności polskich społeczności uczniowskich (oraz ich ograniczenia) na tle populacji szkolnych angielskiej i szkockiej. Podjęte zostaną analizy możliwych tendencji w przyszłości, na podstawie dostępnych statystycznych wskaźników. Prezentacja kontekstu instytucjonalnego obejmie również różnice w szkockim i angielskim systemie edukacji. Wyniki badań empirycznych dotyczących doświadczeń uczniów ze społeczności imigranckich zostaną uzupełnione refleksją nad wpływem, jaki mogło wywrzeć odmienne od angielskiego szkockie doświadczenie z wielokulturowością (a częściowo jego brak) na sytuację polskich uczniów w Szkocji i ich status jako mniejszościowej grupy etnicznej.
EN
The aim of the paper is to present the institutional context of the situation of Polish pupils in English and Scottish schools. The limitations of the available data on Polish communities are discussed in the context of the characteristics of school populations in England and Scotland. The potential future trends as well as the differences in the institutional settings which result from the devolution processes are also presented. Along with the results from research on the experiences of newly-arrived migrants, the article discusses the issue ofthe influence which different patterns of migration to England and Scotland in the last decades might have had on the reception of the Polish pupils in schools and their status as an ethnic minority group.
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