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MAĎARI NA SLOVENSKU NA PRELOME PÄŤDESIATYCH A ŠESŤDESIATYCH ROKOV 20. STOROČIA

100%
Gabzdilová S.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
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2013
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vol. 16
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issue 4
-
EN
The paper analyses the status of members of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia at the end of 1950s and beginning of 1960s. The topic concerns the conditions of the society governed by the ruling Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. It is shown that Hungarian community was not perceived as an independent ethno-social entity and that ethnic policy of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in relation to Hungarians was limited to cultural, educational and linguistic issues only.
2
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WHOSE STATE AND WHOSE NATIONALISM? IDENTITY DILEMMAS IN MOLDAVIA

100%
Derlicki J.
Etnografia Polska
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2007
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vol. 51
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issue 1-2
7-23
EN
The author focuses on the issue of Moldavian national identity. Tracing historical and linguistic roots of the arguments used in the debate on Moldavian consciousness, he presents identity strategies in Moldavia. The main argument here is that the complicated history of Bessarabia (today's Moldova) has resulted in contemporary identification dilemmas. One of the key questions is whether we should call it Moldavian or Romanian. About 80% of the titular nation call themselves and their language Moldavian. On the contrary, approximately 5% (mostly intelligentsia) believe that they are Romanians, who were de-nationalized and transformed into Moldavians by the Soviet state. It is undisputable, that present Moldavian identity is the result of soviet national policy. Its stability, however, is a quite unusual phenomenon. If we accept the existence of independent Republic of Moldova, we must grant its population the right to be named Moldavian, even if there are no rational reasons to distinguish them from Romanians. Today most people want to be called Moldavians while nationalist movement is considered to be Romanian. We could describe this case as Moldavian state with Romanian nationalism.
3
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Perspektivy ázerbájdžánského nacionalismu a separatismu v Íránu

75%
Souleimanov E., Pikal K.
Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)
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2012
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vol. 99
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issue 2
213-232
EN
Notwithstanding lack of detailed and freely accessible data, this paper examines the heavily underresearched issue of ethno-nationalism and separatism amid Iran's largest ethnic minority, Azerbaijanis, in an attempt to identify whether they may pose a threat to the territorial integrity of the Islamic Republic. Despite the fact that Azerbaijanis, a predominantly shiite community speaking a Turkic language, have historically been deeply integrated into Iranian society generating numerous élite members, recent decades have seen a gradual rise of nationalistic sentiments among them; sentiments that in some occassions have bordered on claims for secession. The authors claim that this process was instigated by a range of factors including the obtaining of independence by the post-Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan, introduction of Turkish and Azeri satellite TV broadcast to Iran’s Azerbaijani provinces and increasing levels of economic migration from Iranian Azerbaijan to Turkey. The authors conclude by stating that as of yet, the community of Iranian Azerbaijanis is deepy divided between religiously-minded assimilationists advocating for the established status quo and ever radicalized ethno-nationalists whose aim is to at least achieve more ethno-cultural rights for themselves.
4
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„PIERWSZA REPATRIACJA”. POWROTY I PRZYJAZDY OSIEDLEŃCZE DO POLSKI ZE WSCHODU PO I WOJNIE ŚWIATOWEJ

63%
Żołędowski C.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2017
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vol. 43
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issue 1 (163)
63-94
PL
Artykuł przedstawia zasady i przebieg przesiedleń ludności do Polski od podpisania traktatu brzeskiego w 1918 r. do roku 1924. Omawia zatem całość przesiedleń, od ich zainicjowania przez instytucje Rady Regencyjnej Królestwa Polskiego do oficjalnego zakończenia repatriacji w niepodległej już Polsce. Szczególną uwagę poświęcono repatriacji po traktacie pokojowym w Rydze między Polską i Rosją, ze względu na jej największe rozmiary i znaczenie dla kształtow ania struktury narodowościowej II RP. W artykule zostały wykorzystane istniejące opracowania na ten temat. Przedstawiono również szacunki statystyczne dotyczące wpływu repatriacji na strukturę narodowościową II RP, w tym zwłaszcza na zwiększenie liczebności mniejszości narodowych w ówczesnych województwach północno-wschodnich, do których napłynęła zdecydowana większość repatriantów i reemigrantów. Główną tezą artykułu jest założenie, że repatriacja do Polski została przeprowadzona na odmiennych zasadach niż dokonujące się równolegle i w następnych dekadach przesiedlenia ludności likwidujące skutki konfliktów zbrojnych i wytyczania nowych granic w Europie. Została bowiem oparta nie na kryterium więzi narodowej, lecz na związku z zamieszkiwanym wcześniej terytorium. W efekcie jako jedyne masowe przesiedlenie ludności aż do lat 90. XX w. była repatriacją wieloetniczną, w której większość przesiedlonych była innej narodowości niż naród tytularny w państwie przyjmującym.
EN
The article presents the principles and course of resettlement in Poland in the period from the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1918 until 1924. Therefore, it discusses the entirety of resettlement, since its initiation by the institutions of the Kingdom of Poland to the official end of the repatriation in independent Poland. Particular attention has been dedicated to the repatriation after the peace treaty in Riga between Poland and Russia, due to its largest size and importance in shaping the ethnic structure of the Polish Second Republic. The article uses existing studies on this subject. It also presents statistical estimates on the impact of the repatriation on the ethnic structure of Poland, in particular on the increase of the number of minorities in the north-eastern provinces which together accounted for the vast majority of returnees and immigrants from Soviet Russia. The main thesis of the article is the assumption that the repatriation to Poland was carried out on different principles than those which took place parallelly and in the next decades, eliminating the effects of armed conflicts and the demarcation of new borders in Europe. The discussed repatriation process was based not on the criterion of nationality, but on the connection with previously inhabited territories. As a result, up to the 1990s post-World War I repatriation to Poland was the only multinational mass repatriation in which the majority of the resettled people were of other nationalities than the nominal nation in the receiving state.
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