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EN
Poland came up to the EU membership gradually, reorientation on the West in trade and economic sphere was accompanied by desire of establishing with them close political relations. After the Warsaw Pact expiration polish leaders had to decide also the question of safety concerning the incorporation in NATO, at that membership in EU and NATO was considered as the related key objectives of the foreign policy. In 1988-1993 years the democratic reform of the armed forces of Poland was characterized by the political forces unsuccessful attempts to achieve a certain visibility of macro-stablity and come to an agreement concerning control of the armed forces. Poland received an offer of cooperation with NATO within the program «Partnership for the sake of peace» in January 1994 at the summit in Brussels with other CEE countries. In 1999 year the Polish Parliament ratified the North Atlantic Treaty, demonstrating consolidated position of the political forces concerning that question. To the Council of Europe took a decision for the start of negotiations concerning the accession to the EU, Poland had to satisfy the political criteria, for execution of which, the consolidated position of the political forces concerning eurointegrational question had to exist. The application for membership in EU was made then, when the majority of places in parliament belonged to the political party, which had been created before the parliamentary elections in 1991 year from the political forces connected with the previous system. Already on July 16 of the 1997 year the „Agenda 2000”, which was presented at the meeting of European parliament, denoted that, the political institutes of Poland function stably and consistently, and the parliamentary elections in 1991 and 1993 years had been free. Poland was recommended to negotiations concerning its membership, and its accession to the European Union took place while the fourth parliament cadence was functioning, when the majority belong to leftist forces.
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Svenskhet som gräns

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EN
The goal of the article “Svenskhet som gräns, Swedishness as a border” is to present problems with the concept of Swedishness from another perspective than it has been discussed in the Swedish media. The article analyses responses from Swedish political parties with regard to “Swedishness” and democracy, and it provides an insight to the contemporary situation in Sweden.
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51%
EN
The authors analyzed changes in the Atlantic policy of the United States as part of the political strategy of President Donald Trump.They acknowledged that they were of temporary nature though definitely harmful from the point of view of the interests of the parties, The changes deny the entire post-war US political strategy towards the transatlantic space and the world. At the bottom of recognizing this change as temporary turbulence was the assessment of the significance of the sources of the transatlantic “community of values”. The conclusions have been formulated on the basis of factors that, on the one hand, mark the EU’s convergence with the US and Canada and on the other, the divergence between EU-US-Canada and countries outside the Western Hemisphere.
PL
Autorzy przeanalizowali zmiany polityki atlantyckiej Stanów Zjednoczonych w ramach strategii politycznej prezydenta Donalda Trumpa, Uznali, że mają one charakter doraźny acz zdecydowanie szkodliwy z punktu widzenia interesu stron, Zmiany zaprzeczają całej powojennej strategii politycznej USA wobec przestrzeni transatlantyckiej i świata. U podstaw uznania tej zmiany za przejściowe turbulencje legła ocena wagi źródeł transatlantyckiej „wspólnoty wartości”. Wnioski sformułowano na podstawie czynników wyznaczających z jednej strony konwergencję UE z USA i Kanadą z drugiej dywergencję pomiędzy UE-USA-Kanadą a państwami nie należącymi do zachodniej hemisfery.
EN
This article attempts to determine the position of the European Union in the new global pattern of research and development led by fast-growing East Asia. The essential research issue raised in the paper is a comparative analysis of the R&D potential of the European Union relative to the Asian centre and the USA aimed to identify problems in EU R&D. The article employs two main research tools: a traditional overview of studies in the literature and a comparative analysis. The examination demonstrates continuing progress in building the R&D potential of the European Union, the third largest global R&D centre. Against the backdrop of East Asia and the USA, however, EU R&D changes definitely too slowly, which results in a widening gap between the EU and, especially, the Asian centre but also the USA. The analysis allows concluding that it is necessary not only to significantly speed up R&D in the European Union but also to orientate the process accordingly, with a primary focus on activating the business sector.
PL
Celem artykułu jest określenie pozycji Unii Europejskiej w nowym globalnym układzie działalności badawczo-rozwojowej, w którym liderem stała się dynamicznie rozwijająca się Azja Wsch. Zasadniczym problemem badawczym opracowania jest analiza porównawcza potencjału R&D Unii Europejskiej względem centrum azjatyckiego i USA, aby w rezultacie zidentyfikować kwestie problemowe w R&D UE. W artykule wykorzystano dwa główne narzędzia badawcze, jakimi są tradycyjne studia literaturowe oraz analiza porównawcza. W wyniku przeprowadzonych analiz wykazano, że widoczny jest stały progres w budowaniu potencjału R&D UniiEuropejskiej, która stanowi trzecie co do wielkości centrum globalnych R&D. Jednak na tle Azji Wsch. i USA tempo zmian w unijnych R&D jest stanowczo za niskie, a w konsekwencji powiększa się dystans UE zwłaszcza do centrum azjatyckiego, ale także i do USA. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych rozważań można wnioskować, że konieczne jest nietylko znaczne przyspieszenie R&D w Unii Europejskiej, ale też odpowiednie ukierunkowanie tego procesu, przede wszystkim w stronę aktywizacji sfery biznesu.
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