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EN
This paper analyses the European Union's Cohesion Policy under the 2007-2013 budgetary constraints as seen from the perspective of the new - Central European - member states. In the introduction, the author conceptualises the term 'Central Europe' pointing out the highly diverse and relative way of defining it, both in scholarly literature and in political discourse. Due to the fact that the accession of new states from Central Europe increased the regional disparities (measured in social and economic standards), the role of cohesion policy got strengthened, making its budget the largest part of total EU expenditures. Consequently the efficiency of the policy is put into consideration, including the methodology of evaluations, the criteria used, and objectives. In the concluding part of the paper it is emphasised that the EU Cohesion Policy has also served as a mechanism which promotes a more 'human face' of the European integration process, going beyond a simple 'market friendship' to include ambitions to build a political community based on solidarity foundations. It is the only EU policy that explicitly addresses the economic and social inequalities within the European territory.
EN
Turkish efforts for the EU membership from 1963 to the 17th of Dec. 2004 were finally successful. The date of accession negotiations was set on the 3rd of October 2005. Concerning geography and culture Turkey is more Asian than European country. It is possible that it becomes full EU member in next 10 - 15 years. There will be advantages for both sides. Turkey will gain advantages from its membership - after the creation of customs union with the EU in 1996, Turkey will also acquire access to the four freedoms of common market of the EU. There is also a certain threat for Turkey concerning the free movement of labour - Turkey will have only limited access to this freedom. On the other side, the EU will acquire country with great growth dynamics and with wide market. Concerning risks, we have to mention relative political instability which is to be solved before the accession to the EU.
EN
The day of becoming one of the European Union Member States appeared as a key moment in developing migration processes in Poland. Obviously, it is the magnitude of the outflow that population of Poland is experiencing since that moment, that makes this emigration unique. However, as Grabowska-Lusinska&Okolski (2009) show, it is also its structure. Grabowska-Lusinska&Okolski proved that the key factor of post-accession change in migration processes was opening of British and Irish labour markets for New Member States workers. In this paper we are trying to examine if the 'late' post-accession period (2007-2009) brought a similar change, as during these years 10 EU Member States allowed Poles to access their labour markets without any restrictions. By using a synthetic measure of selectivity index (Cieslak 1992: 252) we show that the structure of emigration in the 'late' post-accession period seems to stay unchanged, even though there are some premises that the opposite holds true.
EN
Migration outflow from Poland observed since 2004, both temporary and settlement, is one of the biggest waves of migration Poland has experienced throughout the postwar period. Since 2004 destination countries for Polish migrants have also changed. Before accession to the EU, Germany was the dominant first choice, with the United States in the second place. Following the enlargement of the European Union and opening of labor markets to Poles by some EU-15 economies, the United Kingdom found itself a strong leader among destination countries for Polish migrants, whereas the U.S. dropped to the fifth place. The results presented below relate to labor migration from Poland to the UK. The research presented here is the first quantitative research conducted in the UK by researchers from Poland on the legally working community. It took place in London in autumn 2007. The questionnaire was used on a purposive sample of 636 respondents.
EN
EU enlargement and related institutional changes concerning particularly access to labour markets of 'old' EU member states shaped the scale and structural features of recent migration from Poland. The aim of the paper is to assess the recent mobility of Polish citizens. Uniquely dynamic post-accession mobility of Poles reached its peak in 2007, since then scale of mobility - measured both in terms of flows as well as in stocks of migrants - is on decline. Thus the analysis refers to the ongoing however significantly matured process. The thesis is that short- and medium-term impacts of migration are moderate, particularly in the light of increasing scale of return mobility. On the other hand, long-term impacts, including demographic effects, impacts on spatial allocation of labour, and socio-cultural changes may turn to be serious and significant, however their extent is still largely unknown.
EN
We build a Slovak sectoral dynamic partial equilibrium econometric model based on EU GOLD model. It is used to analyse the development of the Slovak agricultural markets after EU accession. Simulation results for cereals, oilseeds and meats are provided in this article. Two scenarios are analysed: non-accession baseline and accession with adoption of single area payment scheme. EU accession is expected to increase prices of most products, the biggest increase of prices will occur in animal sector. Because of the higher prices consumption will go down. Decrease of the consumption will be mitigated by income growth. Production will not increase substantially due to decoupling of the direct payments. Trade balance for majority of the products will improve.
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EN
The authoress analyzes the influence of the EU enlargement on women's and feminist NGOs and women's groups in the Czech Republic. She identifies main proceeding changes in non-governmental sphere and civic mobilization which are analyzed as consequences of Czech Republic's accession to the EU. Namely she discuss processes of professionalization - hence establishment of professional women's and feminist NGOs and development of political lobby; processes of developing of project-orientation - it reflects the necessity to apply for grants largely in EU to finance operation of organizations. Finally she identifies processes of acceptation of reform-orientation of women's NGOs in the Czech Republic - which means orientation on mainstream issues that are encouraged by EU policies. As a result of these changes some small and marginal NGOs disappeared and others were determined to make strategic partnership across the thematic focus. (www.genderonline.cz/view.php?cisloclanku=2006020606)
EN
The aim of the paper is to analyze the premises of establishing Europe's borders including the aspect of the EU enlargement. The analysis was conducted by retrogressive and diachronic methods on the basis of some research projects initiated by the Institute of Social Studies of the Faculty of Economics of the Polytechnic University of Ancona. The results of the analysis clearly indicate that despite the fact that the historical, geographical and civilizational criteria (including those of mythology and the history of writing) enable us to establish the basic cognitive reasons, they do not allow us to establish strict and clear-cut borders. One may draw a conclusion that due to Europe's development prospects and the interests of the EU member states apart from objective factors of historical and geographical nature pragmatic elements in the economic, social and political contexts should be taken into consideration.
EN
This article aims to analyse the impact of transitional periods on researchers' mobility decisions in the enlarging Europe. A compilation of policy and law analyses, together with social research, is the adopted method for this study. Countries under research are Poland and Bulgaria, as sending countries, and Germany and the UK, representing the EU member states that opted for and against transitional periods, respectively. The political environment in Europe, in which researcher's mobility is taking place, is presented along with the characteristics of scientific mobility, as part of the international migratory flows. The question asked is, how the perception of enlargement influences mobility decisions of scientists. The results of qualitative research proved only to a certain extent the hypothesis, that countries with no transitional periods introduced were more attractive for scientists from new member states than the countries with such periods introduced. The analysis showed that although various administrative and legal barriers do represent impediments to scientific mobility, yet they were not usually decisive factors for mobility.
EN
This paper draws on a research project carried out in the framework of the EC funded project 'Youth and European identity' (5th FP). The project investigated - both quantitatively and qualitatively - identity and citizenship constructions in young adults (aged 18-24) from ten European regions/cities: Manchester England and Edinburgh Scotland (UK), Madrid and Bilbao (Spain), Vienna and Vorarlberg (Austria), Chemnitz and Bielefeld (former 'East' and 'West' Germany) and Bratislava (Slovakia) and Prague (Czech Republic). Using the Schwartz value questionnaire data, in this paper we explore the relationships between the values of European, national and regional identities and second order value types that, according to S. H. Schwartz theory (Schwartz 1992), create the basic set of human values (self-transcendence, openness to change, self-enhancement, conservation). We also compare these relationships in Bratislava and other studied regions. Through semi-structured interviews we also investigate the reflection of these values in hopes and fears concerning the EU membership in 'new' and 'old' EU member states, focusing mainly on national identity issues. As expected, the position of regional, national and European identities within the second order values structure is related to the situation of the country regarding the national identity formation and regarding the transformations linked to the EU integration processes. The results are discussed in the context of an ongoing research project investigating regional identities of young people in nine Slovak regions.
EN
What makes people support the European Union project has been a topic of constant research in the social sciences during the last decades. The key explanations of attitudes towards EU integration and enlargement processes are mainly related to identity issues, trust in political institutions, post-materialism, cognitive mobilization and utilitarianism. This paper revisits these explanations and adds a new ingredient to the debate, namely the role of solidarity in confining sceptical attitudes towards enlargement. We hypothesize that a deficit of transnational solidarity at the level of citizens is related to an attitude of reluctance about further EU enlargement. For this purpose, we employ a multilevel approach on individual-level data from the European Values Study 2008 – 2009 and contextual data for 42 countries. Our findings support the idea of a significant, positive relation between transnational solidarity and pro-enlargement attitudes.
EN
This article presents a concise analysis, performed from Poland’s point of view, of the genesis, effects and future prospects of the enlargement of the European Union to the east. Initially, the enlargement concerned a group of 11 post-communist states of Central and Eastern Europe, which became members of the EU between 2004 and 2013, and has brought about positive results for both the new members and for the EU as a whole. In the broadly defi ned east of Europe, however, there is still a group of countries aspiring to EU membership and taking various measures towards this end. The European Union supports these efforts, but has no full and clearly defi ned policy in this regard. There is much to indicate that the possibilities of further EU enlargement to the east are presently exhausted. The candidate countries are greatly hindered in their striving for EU membership by their complicated internal and international situations, while most EU Member States are distinctly unwilling to accept new members at this time. This will not change even despite the positions of such countries as Poland, which considers the enlargement of the EU to the east vital to its interests, but which so far does not have suffi cient stature for its voice to take precedence.
EN
This paper analyses the evolution of the strategy employed by Polish cultural diplomacy for the promotion of a positive image of Poland in the context of a long-term strategy for developing the Polska brand in the world. The analysis takes the form of a case study and concerns selected aspects of the activity of the Adam Mickiewicz Institute – currently the most influential governmental institution responsible for promoting Poland in the world through culture. The paper presents the main determinants and challenges in shaping a coherent message about Poland and their infl uence on the current strategy for promoting the Polska brand through cultural diplomacy. The critical analysis places the Institute’s activities in the context of the priorities of Polish foreign policy and puts forward a thesis on the growing infl uence of the Institute on the development of Polish culture, Polish cultural diplomacy, and nation branding in Poland.
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