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EN
This article focuses on a comparison of attitudes towards migration in twenty European countries. It analyses data from the European Social Survey 2002. The first part of the article contains a summary of the available sources of data on migration and a brief outline of developments and the current state of migration in Europe. The second part looks at the question of whether attitudes towards immigrants are related to the numbers and structure of immigrants in a country and their economic situation. Three thematic areas are examined: 1) the host population's willingness to accept immigrants; 2) perceptions of the impact of immigration on the host country; 3) attitudes towards different forms of integration of immigrants. The findings indicate that Europeans are more willing to accept migrants that are of the same race (ethnic group) and from Europe than they are migrants of a different race (ethnic group) and from states outside Europe. The strongest unwillingness to accept people from other states and the strongest emphasis on the negative impact of immigration was observed in Greece and Hungary, while the strongest willingness to accept immigrants was found in Sweden and Switzerland and was connected with a more positive perception of the impact of immigration.
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The current paper presents results based on European Social Survey Round 2 data (2002-2004). The sample consisted of respondents from 24 countries; N = 45 681 (aged 15 - 100; M = 45.25). Several scales were used to meet the aim of the study: Schwartz's Portrait Value Questionnaire (PVQ), Social Trust Scale (STS), Trust in Institutions Scale (TIS), Political Participation Scale (PPS), Satisfaction with Life in General Scale. Participants were divided into 4 quadrants according to their PVQ scores on the dimensions openness to change vs. conservation and self-enhancement vs. self-transcendence. The results indicate that participants with self-transcendence orientation scored significantly higher in the Social Trust Scale (perceived honesty, objectivity, consistency, competence, and fairness in relationships between individuals), Trust in Social Institutions Scale (from national to international institutions), and also in the Political Participation Scale. These participants also perceived their lives as more satisfactory.
EN
The article focuses on the relationship between marital status and life satisfaction in the countries of Europe. The first part of the article discusses subjective evaluations of life satisfaction and the theoretical concepts that explain differences in the levels of life satisfaction according to marital status. The second part of the article is devoted to empirical analyses of data from the European Social Survey (ESS), the results of which indicate that in the countries studied married people tend to be more satisfied with life than others, even though the strength of this effect varies. The differences in the effect of marriage cannot be ascribed to a given society's divorce rate. In some countries the life satisfaction of the cohabiting population is almost as high as for married people, while in other countries it is closer to the level of life satisfaction observed among single people, and in other countries the level of satisfaction of the cohabitating individuals lies midway between married and single people.
EN
This study focuses on correlation of perceived safety and preference of types of values. For this purpose we used ESS data from Round 4, specifically Slovak sample consisting of 1810 respondents. The results showed only low levels of correlations in variables of interest, but still significant. We found out that the polarity of the dimensions shown in the Schwartz values model affects the perception of safety.
EN
A stable and strong correlation between economic indicators and social trust is well-documented. Our analysis confirmed that 3 indicators of Group A together are significant predictors of trust for people with GINI as significant single predictor. The complex indicators addition into the group of predictors increased powerfully the explanatory power of MODEL 2 and in this constellation the CPI manifested as the most effective predictor. The addition of four ESS indicators in this case did not change the situation dramatically and in this case the CPI manifested itself as the most powerful predictor. The general idea that there is a connection between “simple” indicators of national economic performance and trust towards political institutions in ESS data (Round 1-3) was tested already. Historically the main focus in research was oriented towards the question of internal validity. In the context of the survey research data the usual expectation is that well known disadvantages of this kind of data could be compensated by their external validity. In the ESS the highest attention is paid to the questions of methodological rigor, and in this sense also to the validity of collected data. The results of our analyses confirmed that there exists a serious connection between ESS data and different social indicators not only “inside” but also “outside” the survey.
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The article acquaints readers with two methods of measuring value orientations developed by S. H. Schwartz. Particular attention is devoted to the Portrait Values Questionnaire, which was used in the European Social Survey in 2002. Using the data file from the survey, the authoress shows how four types of 'higher order' values are represented among the Czech population and how value priorities influence a person's position in the social structure. The article also presents an international comparison.
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Two experiments carried out in connection with the European Social Survey (ESS) were aimed at verifying whether the face-to-face interview used in the mixed mode design did indeed produce the aforementioned benefits, compared to the use of face-to-face interviewing in unimode surveys. The idea was to boost the response rate and improve the sample composition. Both experiments were based on the sequential design with elements of the concurrent design. In the former, the face-to-face mode was used in the initial phase, whereas in the latter it was used in the follow-up phase. This mode was combined with self-administered modes, including the most effective of them, i.e. the mail mode. In the experiment aimed at verifying the effectiveness of mixed mode design with face-to-face used first, the ESS main study rounds 6 and 7 were treated as an initial phase.
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Confirmation bias phenomenon is known as a tendency of people to prefer information that supports their expectations. European Social Survey Round 4 rotating module (Svallfors et al., 2007) gives opportunity to demonstrate that if people expect some development in their personal lives in future, it has an impact (e.g., confirmation bias) on the way they perceive and interpret the present situation, the conditions of their life.
EN
The aim of the paper is to map differences among European citizens regarding their political interest. In addition to the standard question of political interest, the dataset of the 7th wave of the European Social Survey includes new questions about individual political competences and about the perception of the political system. Based on this data, citizens’ assessment of their countries political system and of their ability to participate in politics can contribute to a better understanding of differences among European countries concerning those factors that affect political interest. The paper first describes differences between the attitudes of citizens and their perception about their political systems from a European perspective. Then it examines how political interest is influenced by external and internal political efficiency. Our study has confirmed that internal and external political efficacy is correlated in almost all countries. We found that residents of a country who believe that they have their personal skills to influence politics are basically those who say that the political system accepts their demands and vice-versa. Overall, our research has confirmed that political interest stems from internal political efficiency, from cultural and learnable factors. External factors as political systems (openness and closeness) have a lesser influence on it, but it is undeniable that individual competences of citizens are consistently higher in systems that are more open. The traditional cultural differences of Europe's democracies, indicated by Inglehart, Huntington and Haller are still relevant in this regard.
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In this article the authors describe what forms of political participation, outside the electoral process, the populations of twenty-one European countries tend to employ and to what degree. They identify three types of non-electoral political participation: active-conventional, active-demonstrational, and passive participation. Overall non-electoral political participation is considerably lower in the post-communist and Mediterranean countries than in the Western European and Scandinavian countries. In the latter countries the passive type of political participation is clearly a much stronger form of participation than the other two types. Conversely, in the Mediterranean countries passive participation is weaker and is exceeded in places by the active-conventional type of participation. The Mediterranean area is also notable for the unusually strong presence of the active-demonstrational type of participation. The authors also examine the social micro and macro-conditions related to these three types of political participation. In conclusion they attempt to address the question of whether there is a connection between political activity and satisfaction with the way democracy works.
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Content available remote

ITEM NONRESPONSE IN THE EUROPEAN SOCIAL SURVEY

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Item nonresponse is widely considered an important indicator of data quality. It decreases the available sample size for analyses and bears the risk of biased results if the missingness is not at random. The present study investigates item nonresponse rates in the first three rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS). The ESS is a biennial cross-national survey of attitudes and behaviours, first fielded in 2002. The authors' focus is on the average level of item nonresponse across 75 questions being part of the 'core modul' of the ESS questionnaire (cumulative item nonresponse). They describe the average amount of item nonresponse for all countries separately for the different types of item nonresponse: 'don't know', 'refusal', and 'no answer'. In addition they analyse the potential reasons for differences across countries in the main type of item nonresponse, i.e. 'don't know' nonresponse. This is done by multi-level modelling; the three hierarchical levels of respondents, interviewers, and countries are distinguished.
EN
One method to increase the response rate in surveys is to use respondent incentives. The effectiveness of incentives depends on a number of factors which, however, may have a varied impact on respondents’ decisions about survey participation across countries. This paper shows how respondent incentives have worked in Poland, i.e. how monetary and material incentives are viewed, whether or not it is reasonable to send prepaid incentives by mail and how incentives affect the structure of the effective sample. Results of in depth interviews and comments on to incentives used in the European Social Survey have shown that the respondents who are willing to accept a small material incentive do not accept a modest monetary incentive. In the case of monetary incentives, expectations are very high and, in most surveys, unrealistic. Research results also suggest that some respondents are distrustful about prepaid incentives received by mail. They associate such incentives with direct marketing practices, attempted fraud or scams. From this perspective, it seems safer to opt for incentives being handed over personally by interviewers. However, the use of incentives does not significantly affect the structure of the effective sample.
EN
In this paper the authors show how one method of increasing the response rate, i.e. an extension of the fieldwork period, influences the structure of non-response and the differences between respondents and non-respondents. They used data from the Pilot Study and the Main Study for the European Social Survey, Round 2, and from follow-up studies conducted after each of those. The fieldwork period of the Pilot Study was 11 days and the one of the Main Study was nearly 2.5 months. The follow-up study involved distributing a mail questionnaire to people who did not participate in the face-to-face survey (non-respondents). Extension of the fieldwork period brought a relatively modest increase in the response rate. However, a comparison of differences between the respondents and non-respondents for a short and a long fieldwork period demonstrated that those differences occurred in demographic variables and in opinion questions. They also compared the effect of the length of fieldwork period on differences between the respondents and two categories of non-respondents: refusers and inaccessibles for other reasons. They did not find any effect of the length of the fieldwork period on differences between respondents and inaccessibles for other reasons, neither in socio-demographics nor in opinion questions. However, the effect did occur when we compared respondents and refusers.
EN
In Poland, like in other countries, participation in surveys is declining over time. The growing non-response rates increase a risk of systematic bias of the results depending on the differences between non-respondents and respondents. In this article we attempt to assess how different are non-respondents from the survey participants in Poland. In approaching this question we refer to the two basic hypotheses concerning non-responses. The first hypothesis concerns the relationship between participation in surveys and the socio-economic status (SES); the second hypothesis concerns relationship between the participation and social involvement/social isolation, and liberalism/conservatism. These hypotheses are tested using data from the pilot study of the European Social Survey 2004 and the main ESS 2004. Our analyses reveal that both the socio-demographic and the socio-psychological characteristics of individuals affect the non-response in Poland in a specific way.
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Content available remote

Understanding Refusals

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EN
The paper presents findings from a qualitative study (depth interviews in the one-to-one and dyad format), held with European Social Survey round 3 refusers in Poland. Its objective was to gather insights into reasons behind negative attitudes towards participation in surveys. Our research has shown that there is a need to distinguish between 'active' refusals and cases where surveys are ignored. In cases of 'active', conscious refusals there are some underlying reasons for refusal that could be challenged. On the other hand, social isolators 'by choice' make automatic refusals, without much thinking and, therefore, conversions are hardly possible in such cases.
EN
In order to systematically monitor immigration-related conflict in society, the authors have constructed a theoretical composite conflict risk index for measuring immigration-related conflict risk at a subnational level. The index is called MICRI, short for immigration-related conflict risk index. The index offers new input to the quantitative conflict risk modelling by including subjective indicators, which usually are missing from risk indices, along with objective indicators. The reason behind that is the growing understanding between scholars that groups´ perceived grievances play an important role in whether a conflict arises or not. MICRI consists of 17 indicators, out of which thirteen (13) are subjective and four (4) are objective indicators. The data was sourced from the European Social Survey and national statistical database. The article presents the methodology and data behind the indicators, evaluates the index´s internal consistency using the quantitative regional level data of 75 Estonian municipalities. In constructing the values of MICRI, we followed four consecutive steps: (1) computing the values of the indicators for each municipality; (2) normalising; (3) weighting; and (4) aggregating of the indicators. All indicator were compiled in ten different risk dimensions – identity, distrust, value difference, perceived threat, perceived inequality, dissatisfaction, poor communication, low norm obedience, availability of resources, and regional immigration level – which formed a cumulative index value. The validity of the index was controlled with data of (75) Estonian municipalities from the period 2014 – 2018. The results of initial testing show that the internal consistency of MICRI is good; c-alpha = 0.698, which indicates a good potential for the index´s performance. The future research will focus on external validation of the index and will expand its use internationally.
EN
The main purpose of this paper is to present results of the project “European Social Survey”, which is focused on individual security according to the Slovak respondent perceptions by the means of two monitored indicators: the characteristic of security situation and the personal experiences with the criminality. There were compared results from two rounds realised in the Slovak Republic (the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and the 5th round), together with investigation of a relation between the personal education and individual security perception. The results from other participating countries were also presented in order to illustrate a reciprocal comparison of the findings (results from the all realised rounds).
EN
The paper focuses on the perceived safety and expected terrorism threat in Slovakia and its neighbouring countries. Data from the ESS integrated data file 1-5 were analysed. The results indicate that the level of perceived safety is almost similar across the neighbouring countries except the decreased level of safety in Ukraine. The Slovak respondents worry most about the criminal acts as burglary and physical attack. Finally the respondents´ prediction of the terrorist attack in Europe and in their own country was analysed.
EN
We have developed our analyses based on the assumption that happiness indicates the positive emotional harmony with oneself, in particular with: a) personal status; b) living conditions and c) life perspectives. We consider the feeling of happiness registered in 2016/17 by the Eighth wave of the European Social Survey (ESS). Our main research questions here are why people in different European countries feel or do not feel happy; what the main factors influencing this feeling are, what their strongest impact is, and what the main set of differences and similarities across different parts of Europe are. We have selected eleven ESS European countries for the analyses: Spain, Portugal, The UK, Germany, The Netherlands, Hungary, Estonia, Norway, Sweden, Poland and The Czech Republic. The main criteria for choosing them were the following: a) geographical location b) socio-political background c) economic development (Mature vs. Emerging economies). In this analysis we have used the sociological interpretations of happiness (Tilkidgiev, 2006; Veenhoven, 2008; Durand & Exton, 2019; Dimova & Dimov, 2010; OECD, 2017; Peasgood, Foster, & Dolan, 2019). Empirical evidences from the ESS suggest that happiness is not equal to life satisfaction –neither in daily nor from more general perspectives. In all countries, people that feel happy are more than those who are satisfied with their lives. In other words, people can feel happy even if not totally satisfied with their life as a whole. In the European context, the strongest determinants of happiness are age, health, income, religion and education.
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Research in social stratification shares the assumption that social origin operates through assets embedded in the family structure, yet scholars’ opinions of how resources get transmitted intergenerationally vary significantly. The result of this variation in opinions is a range of measures for family background, and distinct empirical models. A simplified schema yields three main methodological approaches: (a) one parent’s characteristics models; (b) models using characteristics of both parents; and (c) models accounting for specific effects of social origin depending on gender. In this paper we analyze how models of each type perform when applied to cross-national data from the European Social Survey (Round 3). We focus on the impact of parental education on children’s success, while controlling for parents’ social class position. Individual success is conceptualized primarily in terms of educational attainment, but also of occupational standing. Although our analyses do not disclose consistent patterns across all studied countries -- neither of the models performs uniformly better, or worse, in majority of countries – some regularities are noticeable. In particular, with respect to explaining educational attainment, we find that it is generally preferable to include measures for both parents’ education, rather than use one parent’s characteristics models. The best fitting model – in terms of explained variance – is that combining father’s and mother’s education by including an interaction term of these variables. In the case of occupational standing, we generally consider the model that accounts for father’s and for mother’s education as the preferred solution – at least when direct effects are statistically significant. In addition, the hypothesis that the intergenerational transmission of parental education affects men and women differently is, in light of these outcomes, supported only in some of the countries.
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