Search results

1

Eastern-European 1968s?

100%

Matus A. G.

Review of International American Studies

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2019

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vol. 12

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issue 2

71-88

EN

The concepts of ‘long 1968’ and ‘counterculture’ compete in order to define the same cultural movement. Depending on the cultural context, historians used both of them to broadly define the same idea. Yet the whole situation becomes more complex when explaining the protests in Eastern and Central Europe of the late 1960s. In this paper, I argue that the protests from Eastern and Central Europe were the result of a diffusion from Western Europe as well as an evolution of locally-generated situations.

2

AnteroomsandSalonsof East-Central Europe in the Contemporary Post-Soviet Geopolitical Conceptions

100%

Matjunin S.

Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations

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2014

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vol. 1

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issue 1

19-24

3

Poland and Ukraine in East-Central Europe: View from Ukraine

100%

Zashkilnyak L.

Confrontation and Cooperation: 1000 Years of Polish-German-Russian Relations

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2015

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vol. 2

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issue 2

46-53

4

The Poorer You Are, the More You Trust? The Effect of Inequality and Income on Institutional Trust in East-Central Europe

100%

Medve-Bálint G., Boda Z.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

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2014

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vol. 50

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issue 3

419-454

EN

Compared to Western Europe, the new democracies of East-Central Europe (ECE) demonstrate substantially lower levels of institutional trust. Because trust in state institutions is an indicator of the public approval and legitimacy of a political system, low trust levels are a cause for concern. The paper addresses a particular aspect of this broad issue by focusing on how country-level wealth and inequality and individual-level economic situation and sociotropic evaluations affect institutional trust in ECE in comparison with Western Europe. A multi-level analysis performed on the 2010 European Social Survey dataset reveals that substantial differences exist between the two sides of the continent. While sociotropic measures show a uniformly strong, positive association with institutional trust, the marginal effect of relative income is positive in Western but negative in East-Central Europe. Moreover, although social inequality is inversely related to institutional trust, four ECE countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia), where relatively low inequality is accompanied by low levels of institutional trust, deviate from the general trend. The paper suggests that the causes of these differences may be attributed to the interplay between specific characteristics of ECE political economies and the strongly egalitarian attitudes of East-Central European citizens.

5

Od melancholii do rozpaczy. O prozie Andrzeja Stasiuka

100%

Snochowska-Gonzalez C.

Studia Litteraria et Historica

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2013

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issue 2

EN

From melancholy to despair. About Andrzej Stasiuk’s prose worksIn Moja Europa, Jadąc do Babadag and Fado Andrzej Stasiuk describes his travelling to the countries of the East-Central Europe: its diminished, forgotten part, lying on the margins of History and Progress. It is a land of melancholy, of the eternal emptiness and lack. To praise it means to give an ironic response to the enthusiasm of a “return to the West”, to the attempts to meet East-European stigma and to the West’s fear of East-European ferocity. What is the source of this melancholy? Stasiuk refers to Cioran, his philosophy of history, his resignation and his belief in the bankruptcy of the European civilization. We know, however, that in the case of Cioran melancholy covers the memory of philosopher’s commitment to Romanian fascism; his subsequent melancholy replaces responsibility. What are the wounds and silenced victims hiding in Stasiuk’s melancholic landscape? What kind of responsibility does he not want to accept? In his next book, Dziennik pisany później, Stasiuk comes back to the same countries, this time not trying to escape the hell of questions about the East-European ethnic carnage. The author of the article analyses his turning point, using the terminology developed in Peter Hallward’s Absolutely Post-colonial to describe the dynamics between two tendencies: singular and specific. Od melancholii do rozpaczy. O prozie Andrzeja StasiukaW Mojej Europie, Jadąc do Babadag i Fado Andrzej Stasiuk podróżuje po krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. To Europa pomniejsza, zapomniana, na marginesie Historii i Postępu. Jest to kraina melancholii, pustki i wiecznego braku. Opiewanie jej staje się ironiczną odpowiedzią na entuzjazm „powrotu do Zachodu”, na próby sprostania wschodnioeuropejskiemu piętnu i na zachodnie przerażenie wschodnioeuropejską dzikością. Skąd się jednak bierze spowijająca ją melancholia? Stasiuk powołuje się na Ciorana, na jego filozofię historii, rezygnację i przekonanie o bankructwie cywilizacji europejskiej. Wiemy jednak, że w przypadku Ciorana melancholia przykrywa pamięć o przemilczanym romansie filozofa z faszyzmem, który miał się stać radykalnym wyrwaniem się ku nowemu światu i nowej historii. Jakie rany i przemilczane ofiary kryją się w melancholijnym krajobrazie u Stasiuka? Jakiej odpowiedzialności nie chce przyjąć? W kolejnej książce, Dzienniku pisanym później, Stasiuk wraca w te same miejsca, by tym razem nie umknąć przed pytaniami o wschodnioeuropejskie piekło etnicznej jatki. Autorka przedstawia ten zwrot, korzystając z terminologii Petera Hallwarda i opisanej przez niego dynamiki między tendencjami singular i specific.

6

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. I)

100%

Siemiątkowski J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2017

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vol. 3

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issue 3

29-53

EN

The aim of the article is to discuss the attitude of Polish republican circles to the issue of cooperation between countries in EastCentral Europe. The articles published in the “Rzeczy Wspólne” and “Nowa Konfederacja” magazines, which were published in 2010-2017, have been analyzed. The ideas of region integration have deep roots in Polish political thought. Their origins can be seen in the tradition of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the concepts of Marshal Piłsudski. The ineffectiveness of the activities of the politicians of the Third Polish Republic in this field became the reason for criticism in republican articles. An important role in the analyzed visions was played by countries located outside the EU - Belarus and Ukraine, for geopolitical reasons considered as desirable allies. The slogan of deepening the integration of the Visegrad Group and strengthening the Eastern Partnership initiative was also popular. However, this cooperation was to take place between fully sovereign states.

7

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. II)

100%

Siemiątkowski J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2017

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vol. 3

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issue 4

103-123

EN

The aim of the article is to discuss the attitude of Polish republican circles to the issue of cooperation between countries in EastCentral Europe. The articles published in the “Rzeczy Wspólne” and “Nowa Konfederacja” magazines, which were published in 2010-2017, have been analyzed. The ideas of region integration have deep roots in Polish political thought. Their origins can be seen in the tradition of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the concepts of Marshal Piłsudski. The ineffectiveness of the activities of the politicians of the Third Polish Republic in this field became the reason for criticism in republican articles. An important role in the analyzed visions was played by countries located outside the EU - Belarus and Ukraine, for geopolitical reasons considered as desirable allies. The slogan of deepening the integration of the Visegrad Group and strengthening the Eastern Partnership initiative was also popular. However, this cooperation was to take place between fully sovereign states.

8

Book review: “Local government in Central and Eastern Europe”, Marek Barański (ed.), Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2009, pp. 293

100%

Słobodzian B.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2010

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vol. 39

320-322

EN

The work is a compilation of well-chosen and documented works on local governments in the states of Central and Eastern Europe. The timeline that the authors have assumed has its starting point in the beginning of the 1990s, when the transformation processes of the states of the former Soviet block had begun. This also marks the beginning of the process of forming of democratic state structures, including local governments.

9

Broken Europe. The International Order in Central and Eastern Europe

100%

Pietraś M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2012

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vol. 41

62-97

EN

After the collapse of the bipolar international system, a new line of “soft” division in Europe has been established in East-Central Europe. The article seeks to verify the hypothesis that Central and Eastern Europe is an international relations area but is not a cohesive, tightly-knit region united by common institutions, historical experience and the resulting awareness of a separate identity and a sense of community vis-à-vis the external world whereas the international order herein is a dynamic process undergoing evolution. Despite the passage of over twenty years since the collapse of the bipolar system, this process has not yet been completed.

10

Mittelalterliche Glasfingerringe mit ovalem Kopf: Insignien geistlicher Repräsentanten?

100%

Wehner D.

Slavia Antiqua: rocznik poświęcony starożytnościom słowiańskim

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2013

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issue 54

275-285

PL

Medieval glass rings appear in various social milieus. In the case of glass rings with oval plates, it is the representatives of spiritual life that appear to have been the bearers of such rings. This is supported by discoveries of rings with seal plates, yellow in colouring, and the large diameter of many of these rings which allows them to be worn over gloves, together with the presumed context of religious production, and last but not least, the discovery of these rings at sites with sacred connections.

11

Strategiczne porozumienia ponad podziałami – Grupa Wyszehradzka jako przykład integracji i emancypacji w ramach Unii Europejskiej

88%

Grodzki R.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2016

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issue 9

375-392

PL

Functioning of the Visegrad Group since its beginning was not an easy issue. V4 was established to integrate East-Central European countries into Euro-Atlantic structures in the atmosphere of cooperation. However, it was a partnership o f countries which in many cases guided by different interests. From the beginning, there was no sympathy inside the Group, but over time it changed. Since joining into the European Union in this cooperation experienced moments of common mobilizing such as: a struggle under the EU Cohesion Policy, the fight for the Union budgets, and the last one position against the welcome of refugees arriving to Europe. It should be noted that properly develop cooperation of Visegrad Group at the elementary level in areas such as: environmental protection, infrastructure, transport and energy projects and tourism. An important new motivation to this cooperation is founded in 2016 EU Battle Group of the Visegrad Group with almost 4 thousand soldiers.

12

The Migration Crisis from the East-Central European Perspective: Challenges for Regional Security

88%

Podgórzańska R.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2017

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vol. 2 (46)

87–104

EN

Nowadays, the common denominator of involvement of the EastCentral Europe in the international arena, and above all, the premise determining community of interest expressed in the European Union is the migration crisis. Despite the different circumstances of activity in the context of the migration crisis, states in the region express similar opinions on the consequences of immigration for security in the region. Above all, they emphasise the implications of immigration for the internal security of states. Given the complex nature of migration, this article focuses on the phenomenon of immigration in the EU, determining the causes of the escalation of the influx of immigrants and, above all, identifying the consequences for the security of states of East-Central Europe.

13

The Historical Region of East-Central Europe in Research into the History of Religion in the Early Modern Era

88%

Kriegseisen W.

Kwartalnik Historyczny

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2017

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vol. 124

PL

The study contains the reflection on the usefulness of the notion East-Central Europe as a historical region in the research on confessional relations in the early modern era. It begins with the description of the discussion on regionalization of European history, with particular emphasis on the frequently ideologized division into East and West. Next, the author recalls the genesis of the notion of East-Central Europe as a historical region, which was introduced after the Second World War by Oskar Halecki, and the popularization of this notion in the second half of the twentieth century. In the author’s opinion, the most important criterion in the evaluation of usefulness of this construct should be its research functionality checked not in syntheses or reviews, but in detailed research into specific problems, including comparative research.

14

Behind the Limes: On the Quest for an Eastern Dimension of European Identity

75%

Hocman J.

Human Affairs

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2008

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vol. 18

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issue 1

107-114

EN

Although the integration processes in Western Europe have been studied for decades, the idea of European identity as a specific area of scholarship is relatively new. This interest coincides with fundamental changes that have occurred in Europe since 1989 and that may impact the internal coherence of the enlarged European Union. Over the past decades, the East-West dichotomy has been magnified due to the impact of Communism in the East, which exacerbated an already existent sense in the West of Eastern Europe's primordial otherness. Since four decades of Communism in East Central and Southern Europe produced only two, or at most, three generations that were raised and lived under a totalitarian regime, a long-term historical perspective is essential for a better understanding of the mutual estrangement. The paper examines the origins and key moments in the alienation of Eastern and Western Europe as reflected in ancient, medieval and modern history. It focuses on the present stage of perception of East Central Europe in the West. In the final part, it identifies societal values that may re-generate socio-cultural cohesiveness aimed at filling the gap between the two parts of Europe.

15

THE “FRACTURED” SOCIAL SPACE IN EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE

75%

Pietraś M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2014

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vol. 43

13-47

EN

East-Central Europe being distinguished – despite different views – a geographical space does not constitute a distinct and coherent political, economic, social, and cultural space. Changes taking place in contemporary Europe, in particular those associated with integration processes mark a new, specific dividing line, different from that during the Cold War. It runs across the geographical, and, consequently, social, political, economic and cultural space of East-Central Europe. It is constructed by both different standards and indicators of social, political and economic life in that part of Europe and the specific shape of cultural identity. The research objective of the paper is to identify and analyze the “fracture” of social space in this part of Europe. It is assumed that social space is a complex, multifaceted construction. Especially significant seems to be the problem of the political empowerments of civil society and its limitations, the problem of the socio-economic situation, and the problem of cultural identity. It is also assumed that the EU’s political strategy currently being pursued, consisting in relinquishing the prospect of EU enlargement towards the east to include selected countries of the so-called post-Soviet area, contributes to strengthening “the fracture” of East-Central Europe. This is apparently the result of the European Union’s implementation of “A Europe of Projects” strategy, which is the measures undertaken under the European Neighbourhood Policy, Eastern Partnership, or Black Sea Synergy.

16

Book Review: “Political Science in Central-East Europe. Diversity and Convergence”, eds. Rainer Eisfeld, Leslie A. Pal, IPSA/AISP, Barbara Budrich Publishers (Germany), Opladen 2010, pp. 317

75%

Reichardt I.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2011

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vol. 40

330-333

EN

In 2010, Barbara Budrich Publishers (Germany) published a book titled Political Science in Central-East Europe. Diversity and Convergence on the development and state of political science in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe. The book is a collection of 19 country reports (Albania, Armenia, Belarus, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Georgia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia and Ukraine), which, collectively, provide the much needed account on the discipline’s institutionalization throughout the region. Individual chapters – written by academic professors or lecturers – include such information as the state of research, teaching, major books and journals, international cooperation, public impact. The chapter on Polish political science was written by professor Teresa Sasinska-Klas, at the time of the publication, the President of the Polish Political Science Association.

17

Rozdźwięk pomiędzy liberalną retoryką a społeczno-polityczną rzeczywistością współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych - przykład Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

71%

Więcławski J.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2015

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issue 2

151-166

EN

This paper refers to the gap between the liberal rhetoric and the reality of contemporary international relations. It maintains that liberalism remains a leading explanatory perspective, yet contemporary international affairs are too dynamic and too complicated to analyse them within liberal perspectives alone. In addition, liberalism tends to fall into dogmatism. Thus, the adequate analysis of today’s democracy, as well as the political and economic aspects of contemporary international relations becomes incomplete without a reference to some realist, constructivist and even postmodernist conclusions. The example of the East-Central European democratic transformation clearly illustrates this thesis. The liberal reforms in the region still clash with the illiberal attitudes inherited from the communist past. Additionally, liberal values are misconceived and misunderstood. The explanation of those processes reaches far beyond liberal confines, and even the analysis of the Eastern enlargement of the European Union would be more complete with some realist, critical theoretical or postmodernist remarks added to it.

PL

Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy rozdźwięku pomiędzy liberalną retoryką a społeczno- polityczną rzeczywistością współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor twierdzi, że jakkolwiek liberalizm nadal zapewnia wiodącą perspektywę eksplanacyjną współczesne stosunki międzynarodowe są zbyt dynamiczne i skomplikowane aby można było zanalizować je wyłącznie w ramach liberalizmu, który zresztą popada w dogmatyzm. Z tego powodu, adekwatna analiza współczesnej demokracji oraz politycznych i gospodarczych aspektów współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych jest niepełna, jeśli nie uwzględnia pewnych wniosków ze sfery realizmu, konstruktywizmu, a nawet postmodernizmu. Przykład transformacji demokratycznej w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej doskonale obrazuje tę tezę. Liberalne reformy w regionie wciąż zderzają się z rygorystycznymi poglądami wywodzącymi się z socjalistycznej przeszłości. Liberalne wartości sąpoza tym zniekształcane i błędnie pojmowane. Wyjaśnianie tych procesów wykracza daleko poza liberalizm i analiza nawet samego wschodniego poszerzenia Unii Europejskiej byłaby bardziej wyczerpująca gdyby uwzględniła pewne odniesienia do realizmu, krytyki teoretycznej czy postmodernizmu.

18

Letnia akademia w Marburgu poświęcona historii badań nad barokiem w okresie zimnej wojny

63%

Kłoda E.

Quart. Kwartalnik Instytutu Historii Sztuki Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego

|

2015

|

issue 2(36)

122-127

EN

The summer academy “Art History in the Cold War. Methods, scope of interests, systems of value” was organised by The Humboldt University of Berlin at The Herder Institute in Marburg on 7–14 September 2014 within the international research project “Asymmetrical art history? Research and mediation of ‘precarious’ monuments in the Cold War” chaired by Prof. Michaela Marek. The project is focused on analyses of art history texts written in East Central Europe in the time of Cold War. There were seven research coordinators and twelve participants from nine countries (The Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia and Ukraine). The summer academy became a forum for exchange of concepts between representatives of various disciplines – history, art and architecture history, philosophy and cultural studies. The main elements of the summer academy were topic sections that based on the knowledge of the texts which had been sent in earlier (“What is Marxist art history?”, “Programmatic character of art history after the communists’ takeover”, “Sacral buildings. Religion – power – form?”, “Italy as a starting point – significance of Italian roots”, “Histories of artists – strategic personalisation?”). The schedule of the summer academy also appointed time for group work based on archive and library sources accessible within the place. A few visiting lectures were also held in the evenings. During the last day recapitulation an attempt to analysing relations among the researchers and their mutual influence, access at translations of specialist reading, decontextualisation of monuments, and unappreciated role of popular scientific publications and exhibitions in shaping our image of Baroque occurred to be the most important issues.

19

Przedterminowe wybory parlamentarne w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Model normatywny, przyczyny i konsekwencje

63%

Antoszewski A.

Studia Wyborcze

|

2014

|

vol. tom XVII

7-26

PL

Przedterminowe wybory parlamentarne należą do rozwiązań charakterystycznych dla parlamentaryzmu, który stał się dominującą formą rządów w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Są one traktowane jako swoisty „zawór bezpieczeństwa” prowadzący do rozwiązania konfliktu między władzą ustawodawczą i wykonawczą. Rozwiązania instytucjonalne dotyczące możliwości rozwiązania parlamentu przed upływem kadencji różnią się między sobą, podobnie jak praktyka polityczna. W artykule podjęto próbę porównania modelu normatywnego oraz przyczyn i konsekwencji przedterminowych wyborów w 17 państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Analiza konstytucji prowadzi do wniosku, że parlamentaryzm pokomunistyczny ma asymetryczny charakter. W konflikcie między legislatywą i egzekutywą, ta ostatnia ma słabszą pozycję i mniejsze możliwości rozwiązania go na swoją korzyść. Na podstawie analizy 22 przedterminowych elekcji odbytych w latach 1991–2013 można stwierdzić, że ich podstawową przyczyną są tarcia między partiami tworzącymi koalicję gabinetową oraz naciski ze strony opozycji parlamentarnej i pozaparlamentarnej. Najczęstszą konsekwencją jest natomiast alternacja władzy, która prowadzi do utworzenia większościowego gabinetu. Nie zawsze jednak wiąże się to z podniesieniem poziomu stabilności politycznej, co oznacza, że przedterminowe wybory nie w każdym przypadku wywiązują się z funkcji „zaworu bezpieczeństwa”.

EN

Early elections hale been characteristic of parliamentarism what is dominant political regime in East-Central Europe (except of Russia and Ukraine). They are considered as peculiar “safety valve” leading to the mitigation of the conflict between legislative and executive. The institutional devices concerning dissolution of the parliament and early elections, and political performance, vary across the region. In this article institutional solutions, as well as reasons and consequences of early elections in seventeen countries of ECE are compared. The analysis of constitutional provisions gives the opportunity to claim that post-communist parliamentarism is characterized by the asymmetry. In the most of countries the government’s position is weaker than that of the parliament. On the basis of the comparison of 22 early elections to be held in the period 1991–2013 one has to claim that the main reasons of them are either the tensions between governing parties or the pressures from the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary opposition. The main consequence is the alternation of power, although unnecessarily on all arenas of political competition, what usually leads to forming the majoritarian cabinet. It does not mean that the level of political stability will always increase. Therefore, the function of “safety valve” is sometimes not performed.

20

The basis of the new model of politics of memory: The effects of Great War on nation-building processes in East-Central Europe in XX century

63%

Paruch W.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

|

2011

|

vol. 18

|

issue 1

89-114

PL

Artykuł jest analizą wpływu procesów narodowotwórczych zachodzących w Europie Środkowowschodniej na politykę w XX wieku, zwłaszcza pod wpływem oddziaływania skutków Wielkiej Wojny. Przyjęto założenie, że mieszkańcy Europy Środkowowschodniej, w odróżnieniu od ludności zamieszkującej Europę Zachodnią pod koniec XIX wieku stanęli wobec dylematu - czy nowoczesne narody ukształtują się na obszarze między Niemcami a Rosją jako wspólnoty o charakterze polityczno-państwowym, czy raczej podstawową więzią, konstytuującą owe zbiorowości, będą czynniki etniczno-kulturowe.Zbadano skutki I wojny światowej dla charakteru nowoczesnej polityki. Po pierwsze, doprowadziła do rozpadu lub zapoczątkowała kryzys tradycyjnych imperiów wieloetnicznych i wielokulturowych (od rosyjskiego do portugalskiego). Przesądziła jednocześnie o statusie ontologicznym narodów - głównych podmiotów legitymizujących istnienie tzw. państw narodowych. Po drugie, uszczegółowiła w XX wieku zjawisko polityczności. W aspekcie ontologicznym podział na narody stał się sposobem stanowienia nowoczesnego społeczeństwa oraz narzucił rzeczywistości politycznej określony wymiar antagonizmu, czyli podział na państwa narodowe sojusznicze i wrogie. Po trzecie, wzmocniła podmiotowość polityczną narodów uznanych za prymarne wspólnoty, zdolne do suwerennych działań w ujęciu dziejowym i współczesnym, co oznaczało przedefiniowanie roli państwa oraz władzy politycznej, a także polityki. Zmodyfikowano trzy natury polityki - ogólną, szczegółową, filozoficzną. Treścią polityki w ujęciu ogólnym stała się walka o władzę w państwie oraz jej sprawowanie w taki sposób, aby utrzymywać spoistość narodową oraz chronić egzystencję narodową przed zagrożeniami zewnętrznymi i wewnętrznymi. Identycznie zaczęto postrzegać politykę szczegółową, traktując jej różne przejawy jako specjalistyczną działalność na rzecz rozwiązywania problemów społecznych przypisywanych narodowi. Ta sama perspektywa poznawcza zdominowała działalność metapolityczną. Naród, kosztem innych wspólnot, np. religijno-wyznaniowych, społeczno-zawodowych, regionalno-kontynentalnych, uczyniono kategorią wykorzystywaną przez podmioty metapolityczne w ocenie polityki. Wniosek wynikający z badań - skutki Wielkiej Wojny wywołały przewartościowania w Europie Środkowowschodniej modelu polityki historycznej. Państwo narodowe zostało uznane za główny podmiot dziejów.

Refine search results

Eastern-European 1968s?

AnteroomsandSalonsof East-Central Europe in the Contemporary Post-Soviet Geopolitical Conceptions

Poland and Ukraine in East-Central Europe: View from Ukraine

The Poorer You Are, the More You Trust? The Effect of Inequality and Income on Institutional Trust in East-Central Europe

Od melancholii do rozpaczy. O prozie Andrzeja Stasiuka

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. I)

Współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w publicystyce „Rzeczy Wspólnych” i „Nowej Konfederacji” (Cz. II)

Book review: “Local government in Central and Eastern Europe”, Marek Barański (ed.), Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2009, pp. 293

Broken Europe. The International Order in Central and Eastern Europe

Mittelalterliche Glasfingerringe mit ovalem Kopf: Insignien geistlicher Repräsentanten?

Strategiczne porozumienia ponad podziałami – Grupa Wyszehradzka jako przykład integracji i emancypacji w ramach Unii Europejskiej

The Migration Crisis from the East-Central European Perspective: Challenges for Regional Security

The Historical Region of East-Central Europe in Research into the History of Religion in the Early Modern Era

Behind the Limes: On the Quest for an Eastern Dimension of European Identity

THE “FRACTURED” SOCIAL SPACE IN EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE

Book Review: “Political Science in Central-East Europe. Diversity and Convergence”, eds. Rainer Eisfeld, Leslie A. Pal, IPSA/AISP, Barbara Budrich Publishers (Germany), Opladen 2010, pp. 317

Rozdźwięk pomiędzy liberalną retoryką a społeczno-polityczną rzeczywistością współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych - przykład Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

Letnia akademia w Marburgu poświęcona historii badań nad barokiem w okresie zimnej wojny

Przedterminowe wybory parlamentarne w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Model normatywny, przyczyny i konsekwencje

The basis of the new model of politics of memory: The effects of Great War on nation-building processes in East-Central Europe in XX century