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Establishing the​ Great Economic Organizations: Assumptions of the industry reform of the Polish People’s Republic in the 1970s​

100%
Budziński M.
Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego Studia i Prace
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2018
|
issue 3 (35)
163-177
PL
Artykuł opisuje działania podjęte przez władze PRL w ramach wdrażaniach reformy Wielkich Organizacji Gospodarczych (tzw. reforma WOG). Była to szeroko zakrojona reforma zarządzania przemysłem w gospodarce centralnie planowanej. Jej głównym założeniem była decentralizacja zarządzania produkcją przemysłową poprzez przyznanie organizacjom gospodarczym szeregu uprawnień. Druga część tekstu poświęcona jest ogólnym zasadom funkcjonowania organizacji gospodarczych w nowym systemie ekonomiczno-finansowym, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem kwestii produkcji, funduszu płac oraz inwestycji. Zastosowaną metodą badawczą jest analiza treści, zarówno istniejących opracowań z epoki, jak i archiwalnych dokumentów urzędowych.
EN
The article describes the actions taken by the communist authorities as part of the implementation of the reform of the Great Economic Organizations (the so-called WOG reform). It was an extensive reform of industry management in a centrally planned economy. Its main assumption was the decentralization of industrial production management by granting a number of allowances to economic organizations. The second part of the text is devoted to the general principles of functioning of economic organizations in the new economic and financial system, focusing on the issue of production, wage fund and investment. The research method used is the analysis of the content, both of the existing studies from the period and archival official documents.
2
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Pasterz Kościoła w Polsce, obrońca narodu…

100%
Poniński A.
Studia Włocławskie
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2022
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vol. 24
522-542
EN
The richness of personality and achievements of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński as a Cardinal Primate of Poland cannot be include in one term. The ranges of his activities on various fields, as a man responsible for the Church in Poland, nation’s advocate, spokesman and defender of social needs, judgmental against the domestic and foreign policy of the Polish authorities (because he was careful about Poland’s position), permeated and were complementary for each other during the time he was a Cardinal Primate. Personal intellectual and spiritual features developed in an atmosphere of faith and sense of responsibility towards God. Religious initiatives inspired by him was to serve the good of society and country. In his activities, Cardinal used the sense of religious mission, responsibility for the fates of homeland, primacy of truth and social good. He also take good care of non-believers and his opponents’ salvation.
PL
Bogactwo osobowości i dokonań kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego jako Prymasa Polski nie da się zawrzeć w jednym określeniu. Zakresy jego działań na różnych płaszczyznach – odpowiedzialnego za Kościół w Polsce, orędownika narodu, wyraziciela i obrońcy potrzeb społecznych, krytycznego, gdyż zatroskanego o pozycję Polski, wobec polityki wewnętrznej i zagranicznej władz polskich – przenikały się i uzupełniały w sprawowaniu urzędu prymasa. Osobiste przymioty intelektualne i duchowe w sposób szczególny rozwinęły się w atmosferze wiary i poczuciu odpowiedzialności wobec Boga. Inicjatywy religijne przez niego inspirowane już w swoim założeniu miały służyć dobru społeczeństwa i państwa. W swojej działalności kierował się stale poczuciem misji religijnej, odpowiedzialnością za losy ojczyzny, prymatem prawdy i dobra społecznego, a troską o zbawienie obejmował także niewierzących i swoich przeciwników.
3
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Współpraca kulturalna Polski z Włochami w dziedzinie kinematografii w latach siedemdziesiątych XX wieku

100%
Szczutkowska J.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2022
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vol. 54
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issue 1
179-199
EN
The subject of analysis is the Polish-Italian film cooperation in 1971–1980. The article aims at a synthetic presentation of its course in the context of political and historical conditions of interstate cultural relations. The analysis covers the literature on the subject, specialist press, and archival documents to reflect the various forms of film cooperation.
PL
Przedmiotem analizy jest polsko-włoska współpraca filmowa w latach 1971– 1980. Cel artykułu stanowi syntetyczne ukazanie jej przebiegu w kontekście polityczno-historycznych uwarunkowań międzypaństwowych stosunków kulturalnych. Dla odzwierciedlenia różnorodnych form współpracy filmowej analizą objęto literaturę przedmiotu, prasę specjalistyczną oraz dokumenty archiwalne.
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Gesellschaftlicher Widerstand: die wirtschaftlichen und politischen Streiks in Polen und im oberschlesischen Industriebezirk nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (1944–1970)

99%
Kaczmarek R., Miroszewski K.
Central European Papers
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2018
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vol. 6
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issue 1
37-57
EN
The backgrounds of workers strikes in the Polish communist era varied, depending on which historical period they were taking place in. In Upper Silesia, their specificity was additionally more acute due the heavy industry concentration in the region and vast numbers of workers. In Polish historiography of the post-1945 era it has become quite common to treat the strikes almost solely as elements of social resistance against the powers that be. What has frequently been overlooked is that social resistance is a broader phenomenon, as a rule defined as any spontaneous, unorganized and unguided protest against an imposed political and/or ideological order, usually bound up with defence of traditional values. Strikes constitute but one part of such protests; what is more, only a segment of them was of a political nature. The authors of the present article analyse the impact that workers strikes which had occurred in Poland’s largest industrial region exerted on the situation of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL). During the 1940s and at the beginning of the 1950s the Upper Silesian industrial region (Polish: GOP) was the centre of the resistance movement. The year 1956, when a special system of privileges and incentives was put forth for workers in the heavy industry sector, marked the end of social strikes in Upper Silesia for nearly two decades, in contrast to what was happening at the time in other parts of Poland. The system is now popularly identified with the figure of Edward Gierek, who was the first secretary of the Polish United Workers’ Party. Gierek’s system can be compared to the Hungarian Kadarism or the GDR model proposed by Erich Honecker which proved quite effective up until the 1980s. Gierek’s model of rule in Upper Silesia differed from governmental strategies in force in other parts of Poland, where due to both a lack of financial means and political willpower it was not possible to build a veritable ‘welfare state’. It was only the 1980 events on the Polish coast that ignited the workers strikes in Upper Silesia and its coal mines and ironworks, quickly spreading to most of industrial plants in the region. Considering the significance of the Upper Silesian industrial region for the whole of Poland, without these Silesian strikes the 1980 success of Solidarity would not have been possible.
5
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Duży wysiłek – umiarkowany efekt

85%
Jarosz D.
|
2017
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vol. 124
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issue 2
PL
Radosław Domke podjął się trudnego zadania przedstawienia przemian społeczeństwa polskiego w latach siedemdziesiątych XX w. Analizuje przekształcenia cywilizacyjne i strukturalne, społeczne skutki otwarcia na Zachód, zmiany modelu polskiej rodziny, kształcenia dzieci, wartości, obyczajowości i życia codziennego. Formułuje oceny dotyczące miejsca okresu 1971–1980 w dziejach społeczeństwa polskiego. Wiele postawionych tez skłania do polemiki. Niektóre istotne kwestie umknęły uwadze Autora, a inne wymagają uzupełnień. The author of the reviewed text Radosław Domke undertook the difficult task of presenting changes in the Polish society in the 1970s. He analyses civilizational and structural transformations, the social effects of the opening up to the West, changes in the model of the Polish family, the education of children, values, customs and morals, and everyday life. He formulates opinions on the place occupied by the period 1971–1980 in the history of the Polish people. Many of the formulated theses, however, encourage debates. Some of the important questions have escaped the author’s attention, while some others need to be supplemented.
6
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Wizerunek I sekretarza Edwarda Gierka kreowany przez propagandę reżimu komunistycznego na łamach dziennika „Trybuna Ludu”

80%
Konefał A.
Świat Idei i Polityki
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2020
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issue 19
299-318
EN
The work deals with the issue of analyzing the propaganda approach of the figure of Edward Gierek in the newspaper Trybuna Ludu. Based on the analysis of press releases of the Trybuna Ludu from the period of the rule of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party in 1970–1980, an analysis of the content of shaping the propaganda image of E. Gierek was carried out in the area of economic policy of the Polish People’s Republic and evolution in the field of image policy against the background of other First Secretaries of the Central Committee of the PZPR. The research problem adopted for the purposes of this article were the questions: What methods did Edward Gierek promote in the People’s Tribune? How was Edward Gierek created as the first secretary of the PUWP Central Committee? In addition, the author presented a brief description of Edward Gierek and his political activity in the Polish People’s Republic in the 1970s. This article uses the method of content analysis, which the author considered the most effective research method to address the subject, including in particular the presentation of propaganda mechanisms and political activity of Edward Gierek as the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PZPR in the 1970s.
PL
W pracy podjęto się zagadnienia analizy propagandowego ujęcia postaci Edwarda Gierka na łamach dziennika „Trybuna Ludu”. Na podstawie analizy przekazów prasowych „Trybuny Ludu” z okresu rządów I Sekretarza Komitetu Centralnego Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w latach 1970–1980 r. dokonano analizy treści dotyczącej kształtowania propagandowego wizerunku E. Gierka na płaszczyźnie działań na rzecz m.in. polityki gospodarczej Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej oraz ewolucji na polu polityki wizerunkowej na tle innych I Sekretarzy KC PZPR. Problemem badawczym przyjętym na potrzeby niniejszego artykułu były pytania: jakimi metodami propagowano postać Edwarda Gierka na łamach „Trybuny Ludu”? W jaki sposób kreowano postać Edwarda Gierka jako I sekretarza KC PZPR? Ponadto autor zaprezentował krótką charakterystykę Edwarda Gierka oraz jego działalność polityczną w PRL w latach 70. XX w. W niniejszym artykule zastosowano metodę analizy treści, którą autor uznał za najefektywniejszą metodę badawczą do podjętej tematyki, w tym zwłaszcza przedstawienia mechanizmów propagandy oraz działalności politycznej Edwarda Gierka jako I Sekretarza KC PZPR w latach 70. XX w.
7
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Prymas Stefan Wyszyński wobec rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej PRL 1974–19781

80%
Łatka R.
Polish Biographical Studies
|
2019
|
issue 7
131-178
PL
Kardynał Stefan Wyszyński był w latach siedemdziesiątych nie tylko niekwestionowanym liderem polskiego Kościoła, ale również powszechnie szanowanym w społeczeństwie autorytetem, którego głos miał duże znaczenie. W powyższej analizie omówiono stosunek „Prymasa Tysiąclecia” do rzeczywistości społecznopolitycznej PRL. Przedstawiono całościowe spojrzenie tego hierarchy dot. funkcjonowania systemu komunistycznego w Polsce (w latach 1974-1978); jego podejście do relacji państwo-Kościół; do kluczowych wydarzeń politycznych (nowelizacja konstytucji, wydarzenia z czerwca 1976, wybór kard. Wojtyły na papieża) oraz stosunku do powstania i działalności opozycji przedsierpniowej. Wspomniana analiza nie aspiruję do pełnego wyczerpania tematu, skupia się na kwestiach najbardziej dla kard. Wyszyńskiego istotnych w sferze społeczno-politycznej.
EN
In the seventies, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński was not only the undisputed leader of the Polish Church, but also a widely respected authority in society, whose voice was of great importance. In the above analysis, the attitude of the „Primate of the Millennium” to the socio-political reality of the PRL was discussed. A comprehensive view of this hierarch was presented regarding the functioning of the communist system in Poland; his approach to the state-church relationship; to key political events (amendment to the constitution, events of June 1976, election of Cardinal Wojtyła as pope) and attitude to the rise and activity of the pre-August opposition. This analysis does not aspire to the full exhaustion of the topic, it focuses on issues most for Cardinal Wyszyński important in the socio-political sphere.
8
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Prymas Stefan Wyszyński wobec zagrożenia interwencją sowiecką i konsekwencje jego poglądów (1980–1981)

80%
Łatka R.
|
2018
|
vol. 53
|
issue 1
PL
Autor artykułu powziął za cel badawczy przedstawienie stosunku Prymasa Stefana Wyszyńskiego do zagrożenia interwencją sowiecką w latach 1980–1981 oraz wskazania na implikacje przyjętych przez niego poglądów. Kardynał ryzyko wkroczenia wojsk sowieckich we wzmiankowanym okresie oceniał jako poważne i mogące przynieść nieprzewidywalne rezultaty. Z jego spojrzenia na wspomnianą kwestię wynikały również poglądy na temat konieczności istnienia PZPR w ramach systemu Polski „ludowej”, dystans do politycznej sfery działalności Solidarności oraz negatywny stosunek do działalności Komitetu Obrony Robotników.The article’s author has decided to present Primate Stefan Wyszyński’s attitude towards the threat of Soviet military intervention in Poland in 1980–1981, and to indicate implications of his opinions and ideas. According to Cardinal Wyszyński, the risk of Soviet military invasion of Poland in the analysed period was serious and could produce unforeseen results. His opinion on the question had a bearing on his opinions that it was necessary for the Polish United Workers’ Party to exist within the system of “people’s” Poland, his distance to a political sphere of activity of the “Solidarity”, and a negative attitude towards operations of the Workers’ Defence Committee.
9
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Grudzień ’70 w prasie Republiki Federalnej Niemiec. Relacje i analizy polityczne

71%
Jasiński Ł.
|
EN
The purpose of the presented article is to indicate to what an extent and how the most opinion-forming dailies and weeklies in Germany reported events taking place on the Polish coast in December 1970. The workers’ revolt, which ended with a bloody suppression by the army and militia, took place only a week after the agreement between the People’s Republic of Poland and West Germany had been concluded. Analyzing this issue, research questions can be asked, both about the number and size of articles as well as their nature. Were they predominantly accounts of the course of events or were commentaries also popular? Was, and if so, to what an extent social unrest in the People’s Republic of Poland and the removal of Władysław Gomułka from power perceived as a threat to the just initiated process of rapprochement on the Warsaw–Bonn line? To what an extent did the publications in dailies and weeklies differ from each other? Finally, the question is whether the press appearing in the Federal Republic of Germany published information on reactions of the public of this country, acts of solidarity, or voices of condemnation addressed to the authorities in Warsaw? The study undertook a critical analysis of texts describing the events of December 1970, establishing the chronology of these events. This analysis was also comparative in nature, as the content of the articles was compared with the former researchers’ findings on the course of individual days of the December tragedy. No less important for this text was the linguistic analysis, aimed at indicating to what an extent reports and columns regarding the situation in Poland were emotionally loaded, and to what an extent they constituted substantive, emotionless political analyzes. The next research method used in the presented research was the quantitative method. Its application made it possible to determine the number of articles referring to events in Poland and to indicate specific days when they had appeared in individual dailies and weeklies. The results of the query and analysis of press articles indicate that, despite the information blockade, journalists managed to map, with a high degree of vagueness, the real course of workers’ protests, especially their causes and the actions of the authorities leading to the brutal suppression. From the point of view of the West German editors, reports obtained from journalists from Scandinavia who had managed to get to Szczecin and Słupsk played a significant role here. In this way, the descriptions of events from both cities quickly obscured the dramatic situation in Gdańsk and Gdynia, including the symbol of December 1970 – an episode related to the death of Zbyszek Godlewski (“Janek Wiśniewski”), which hardly appeared in the media in Germany. A separate research problem to which special attention should be paid are the numerous social and economic analyzes of the situation in Poland published in West German press in December 1970. They pointed to the economic premises as the main reasons for the outbreak of protests, while criticizing the policy of Gomułka, which had led Poland to the economic stagnation. A similar position was taken by the government of Chancellor Willy Brandt, who at first took an expectant attitude, and then, through the words of the government’s spokesman Conrad Ahlers, drew attention to the chronic economic problems of the so-called Eastern Bloc. Despite some anxiety, journalists calmly accepted events in Poland, especially the removal of Gomułka from power and him being replaced by Edward Gierek. It was anticipated that the new Polish leader would continue the policy of rapprochement with Germany, and more broadly with the West.
10
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Grudzień ’70 w prasie Republiki Federalnej Niemiec. Relacje i analizy polityczne

71%
Jasiński Ł.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2019
|
vol. 84
|
issue 3
123-151
EN
The purpose of the presented article is to indicate to what an extent and how the most opinion-forming dailies and weeklies in Germany reported events taking place on the Polish coast in December 1970. The workers’ revolt, which ended with a bloody suppression by the army and militia, took place only a week after the agreement between the People’s Republic of Poland and West Germany had been concluded. Analyzing this issue, research questions can be asked, both about the number and size of articles as well as their nature. Were they predominantly accounts of the course of events or were commentaries also popular? Was, and if so, to what an extent social unrest in the People’s Republic of Poland and the removal of Władysław Gomułka from power perceived as a threat to the just initiated process of rapprochement on the Warsaw–Bonn line? To what an extent did the publications in dailies and weeklies differ from each other? Finally, the question is whether the press appearing in the Federal Republic of Germany published information on reactions of the public of this country, acts of solidarity, or voices of condemnation addressed to the authorities in Warsaw? The study undertook a critical analysis of texts describing the events of December 1970, establishing the chronology of these events. This analysis was also comparative in nature, as the content of the articles was compared with the former researchers’ findings on the course of individual days of the December tragedy. No less important for this text was the linguistic analysis, aimed at indicating to what an extent reports and columns regarding the situation in Poland were emotionally loaded, and to what an extent they constituted substantive, emotionless political analyzes. The next research method used in the presented research was the quantitative method. Its application made it possible to determine the number of articles referring to events in Poland and to indicate specific days when they had appeared in individual dailies and weeklies. The results of the query and analysis of press articles indicate that, despite the information blockade, journalists managed to map, with a high degree of vagueness, the real course of workers’ protests, especially their causes and the actions of the authorities leading to the brutal suppression. From the point of view of the West German editors, reports obtained from journalists from Scandinavia who had managed to get to Szczecin and Słupsk played a significant role here. In this way, the descriptions of events from both cities quickly obscured the dramatic situation in Gdańsk and Gdynia, including the symbol of December 1970 – an episode related to the death of Zbyszek Godlewski (“Janek Wiśniewski”), which hardly appeared in the media in Germany. A separate research problem to which special attention should be paid are the numerous social and economic analyzes of the situation in Poland published in West German press in December 1970. They pointed to the economic premises as the main reasons for the outbreak of protests, while criticizing the policy of Gomułka, which had led Poland to the economic stagnation. A similar position was taken by the government of Chancellor Willy Brandt, who at first took an expectant attitude, and then, through the words of the government’s spokesman Conrad Ahlers, drew attention to the chronic economic problems of the so-called Eastern Bloc. Despite some anxiety, journalists calmly accepted events in Poland, especially the removal of Gomułka from power and him being replaced by Edward Gierek. It was anticipated that the new Polish leader would continue the policy of rapprochement with Germany, and more broadly with the West.
11
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Międzynarodowy terroryzm w polskiej literaturze i prasie lat siedemdziesiątych XX wieku (wybrane przykłady)

70%
Szumski J.
Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i Materiały
|
2016
|
issue 14
EN
In the 1970s in Western Europe, in the United States, in the Middle East and in Central and South America many brutal terrorist attacks took place. The public opinion witnessed the activity of various groups, representing different systems of values. The acts of political violence were exercised in the name of ideology, national liberation or religion. Polish public opinion during the communist rule observed the happenings from a distance, but with much attention. People’s Poland in the 1970s published more than a dozen academic, journalist and popular works on the topic of terrorism. The most influential weekly papers (Polityka, Kultura) dedicated many features to the problem of terrorism. The article, basing on books and press articles from the period, aims to answer two questions. What did the state of public knowledge about terrorism, which could be acquired from open sources, look like? How was the phenomenon of international terrorism and its various forms described and evaluated?
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza wybranych tekstów dotyczących międzynarodowego terroryzmu, opublikowanych w Polsce w latach 1970–1980. Artykuł na przykładach opisów działań terrorystycznych w Europie Zachodniej, USA, na Bliskim Wschodzie oraz w Środkowej i Południowej Ameryce odpowiada na pytanie, co i w jaki sposób pisano o terroryzmie w PRL w tym okresie.
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