Search results

1

Voter Absenteeism in the Local Government Elections in Poland in 2006

100%

Sasińska–Klas T.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2008

|

vol. 37

43-56

EN

Numerous public opinion polls conducted in Poland since the 1990s have tried to answer questions linked with the processes of installing, and later stabilizing the new democratic order. Theoretical considerations were conducted on the basis of political science, sociology, and communications studies dealing with the democratic system, tended to concentrate on procedural questions as well as in institutional frameworks dealing with the functioning of the democratic system. Analyses dealing with the social reception of the political transformations and their reflection in the state of social awareness most often were in reference to the situation concerning successive political elections. It would appear the linking of these research approaches, of the so-called theoretical studies of the democratic process in the political system as well as empirical findings, and also perceived social signals resulting from public opinion research, may lead to the creation of more valuable results, as well as the posing of new research questions.

2

The Senate 2007: Block Voting in Operation

80%

Flis J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2008

|

vol. 37

57-75

EN

Elections to the Senate are rarely a topic of deep analysis by media or researchers. The Upper House of the Parliament is not a place where key political decisions are made. The Government, which is appointed by the majority of the Lower House, the Sejm, is the center of Polish political life. Experience show that the political situation in the Senate is much more stable than in the Sejm. From 1997, parties which won elections to the Sejm always had a majority in the Senate, although none of these parties had an independent majority in the Sejm. The 2007 elections crown this trend – only one mandate in the Senate was given to a candidate who did not come from the winning party or any main opposition parties. Every fifth mandate in the Lower House was given to smaller parties. The purpose of this analysis is to find an answer to the question on what leads to such results.

3

European Parliament Election: Why do Poles not Vote?

80%

Marszałek–Kawa J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2009

|

vol. 38

104-111

EN

A study of the Euro-barometer performed at the end of January and beginning of February 2009 showed that not even 34% of the surveyed in all the 27 countries of the European Union declares the desire to cast their vote in the approaching election to the Euro-community. 15% of the respondents answered that they would de! nitely not vote in the coming election. The participation in the European Parliament Elections has fallen from election to election. This tendency persists and no signs of improvement of the situation can be seen. In 1994, 56.8% of the entitled to vote participated in the elections in all the member countries. Ten years later, only 45.6% of voters cast their votes. New member countries with low level of interest in European matters have considerably contributed to the fall in the level of legitimisation of the European Parliament.

4

The relationship between position on an electoral list and chances of winning a seat in a representative body; experiences from the 2015 Sejm election in Poland

70%

Rachwał M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

|

2018

|

issue 3

135-144

EN

This paper examines the relationship between the candidate’s position on an electoral list and the feasibility of winning a seat in the Sejm (the lower chamber of the Polish parliament). This research hypothesizes that winning a seat strongly depends on the candidate having a top position on the electoral list. This hypothesis is verified vis-à-vis the results of the 2015 election to the Sejm. The study confirmed the initial assumption, since it was found that nearly 82% of the seats were taken by the candidates from the so-called “seat-winning places,” namely the top places on the lists of candidates (the number of these places equals the number of seats taken by a given party in a given constituency).

5

Unijna kontrola praworządności – uwagi de lege ferenda

61%

Rulka M.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2016

|

vol. 2

53-69

EN

On the basis of the Treaty of Nice, the European Union institutions have obtained a crucial right to inspection rule of law in its Member States, encompassing the areas of law being within their exclusive competence. The main aim of the study is to analyze the legitimacy of this extensive intrusion European Union in particular from the point of view of the objectives of this organization. The author indicates that the area in which the European Union has a real interest are the elections to the national authorities that participate in the European Union legislative procedure. Election of this authorities in undemocratic procedure weakens – already undermined – legitimacy of the European Union. The author postulates thereby limiting the scope of this control.

6

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość na scenie politycznej województwa zachodniopomorskiego w latach 2005–2007. Część II

61%

Hoehle A.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA

|

2012

|

issue 25

EN

The article contain analysis of election campaign the West Pomeranian Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) structures between 2005 and 2007. Description of the series form the regional, not central point of view have been dictated by possibilities of deeper analysis political formation development on the local level. This have made through rehearsal periphrasis of PiS local and general elections activity on the West Pomerania and following phases of the Party’s structures extension. Conclusions affirm that PiS built strong sections in all over-local districts of West Pomerania region, enlarged a lot number of its members, reached intermediate influence on selfgovernment activity and installed its representatives in Parliament. All nominated elements have showed real inveteracy of PiS in local communities, what have directly moved on the Party’s potential in country’s scale.

PL

W artykule zaprezentowano rozwój zachodniopomorskich struktur Prawa i Sprawiedliwości w latach 2005–2007. Wybór, jako tematu badań, tego właśnie przedziału czasu spowodowany był niezwykłą intensywnością zmian zachodzących wówczas na scenie politycznej. Dokonano tego poprzez szczegółowe omówienie startów wyborczych PiS na Pomorzu Zachodnim oraz kolejnych etapów rozwoju samej struktury partyjnej. Wnioski wynikające z analizy potwierdzają, że ugrupowanie to skutecznie zakorzeniło się w lokalnych społecznościach, wzmacniając tym samym potencjał PiS w skali kraju.

7

PiS na scenie politycznej województwa zachodniopomorskiego w latach 2005-2007, cz. 1

61%

Hoehle A.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA

|

2011

|

issue 24

EN

The article contain development of West Pomeranian Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) structures between 2005 and 2007. The choice of that period as the subject of researches have been imposed by especially fluctuation of political scene. Description of the series form the regional not central point of view have been dictated by possibilities of deeper analysis political formation development on the local level. This have made through rehearsal periphrasis of PiS general elections activity on the West Pomerania and following phases of the Party’s structures extension. Conclusions affirm that PiS built strong sections in all over-local districts of West Pomerania region after 2005, enlarged a lot number of its members, reached direct influence on self-government activity and installed its representatives in Parliament. All nominated elements have showed real inveteracy of PiS in local communities, what have directly moved on the Party’s potential in country’s scale.

PL

Przemiany polityczne dokonujące się w Polsce po 1989 roku charakteryzowały się od początku dużą dynamiką oraz zmiennością. Cechy te, tak typowe dla młodych demokracji wydawały się zaniknąć w momencie przejęcia władzy przez Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD) w 2001 roku. Stabilna większość, prezydent pochodzący z własnego obozu politycznego i korzyści płynące z wejścia w struktury Unii Europejskiej (UE) zdawały się zwiastować wieloletnie rządy lewicy. Nadrzędnym celem artykułu jest dokonanie pogłębionej analizy rozwoju partii na poziomie regionalnym.

8

Saudi Arabia’s electoral politics in the making

51%

Szajkowski B.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA

|

2012

|

issue 25

EN

The aim of this article is to provide an analytical overview of Saudi experiments with electoral politics in the context of a wider reform movement promoted by King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud. The 2004 municipal elections and the dominant subject of voting rights for women are used as illustrations of some of the issues that demonstrate the complexities of these processes. The article traces the limited experience of elections in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia from the foundation of the state in 1924 to the present. It examines the prerogatives of the various bodies formed by respective Saudi rulers as ways and means of introducing a degree of popular participation in the Kingdom at the municipal level. Various reform programmes formulated by Saudi kings are analysed and evaluated. The author suggests that until the 1990s there was an unspoken compact between the Saudi population and the rulers: leave the Al-Saud rule unchallenged and they would take care of all of the citizens’ needs. This compact held until the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent stationing of thousands of U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia. An Islamic resurgence among Saudis, especially those who fought in Afghanistan against the Soviets in the 1980s, fueled anti-American sentiment and opposition to the royal family’s decision to allow American troops into the country, considered holy ground by Muslim fundamentalists. For a brief moment during and just after the 1991 Gulf war, Saudis found a measure of freedom to question and demand more participation in running the country’s affairs. The royal family promised that reforms would come if the population accepted the presence of US troops during the crisis. Yet the only reform steps that materialized were the 1992 establishment of the Majlis Ash-Shura Council or Shura Council (a consultative body appointed by the government to advice on legislation) and the enactment of the Basic Law of Government (similar in nature to a constitution). The concept and extent of reform became recognized as a legitimate question of contention in Saudi Arabia in 2003. The author analyses in detail the emergence and framework of the small reform movement that became the stimulus for evolutionary political reforms and the authorities’ response to it. Next he examines the expansion of political participation that subsequently followed spelling out and evaluating legal provisions for the 2004 municipal elections, their conduct and results. The article pays particular attention to the issue of women’s electoral rights. The article concludes that the most important of the reform measures – the initiation of the National Dialogues sessions and the staging of partial elections to municipal councils in 2004 – have had a significant impact on the socio-economic discourse in the Kingdom and led to other extremely important reform initiatives. Of these the granting of voting rights to women in 2015 is the latest example of King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud attempts to cautiously shift Saudi society and its political practices towards those existing in the rest of the world. The list of his other initiatives is perhaps less spectacular but in the social and political context of Saudi Arabia they are almost revolutionary. Thus for example in 2010 the King pushed through the sweeping legal reforms and codification of Saudi law needed to meet World Trade Organization and human rights standards. He also decreed that only members of the Council of Senior Islamic Scholars were authorized to issue fatwas in a bid to halt religious rulings that embarrass the country. Only time will tell whether the cautious reforms, including the introduction of the embryonic electoral process recently introduced In Saudi Arabia, represent a viable way forward. In the current context of the country’s socio-political development such initiatives represent a strategic measure to ease societal frustration and to prepare and educate its citizens for perhaps more profound changes to come.

PL

W artykule przeanalizowano tradycję wyborów w Arabii Saudyjskiej, a także dokonano krytycznego przeglądu efektów wprowadzonych zmian wyborczych. Istotnym walorem artykułu jest ukazanie kontekstu przeprowadzanych reform – ich znaczenia dla obywateli i obywatelek Arabii Saudyjskiej, a także ich odbiór w innych krajach regionu Zatoki Perskiej.

9

The use of emotions in 2019 European Elections campaign materials

51%

García Hípola G., Antón Merino J., Pérez Castaños S.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

|

2021

|

issue 15

53-69

PL

Niniejsze badanie analizuje trzy podstawowe pytania mające na celu określenie jak, kiedy i przez kogo emocje są wykorzystywane w materiałach kampanijnych (propagandzie politycznej). W trakcie wyborów europejskich w 2019 roku przeprowadziliśmy analizę w trzech fazach. Po pierwsze, sprawdziliśmy wykorzystanie treści racjonalnych w zestawieniu z treściami odwołującymi się do emocji wyborców. Po drugie, obserwowaliśmy, które z tych emocji są ukierunkowane na stosowanie strategii negatywnych, a więc sprawdziliśmy, kto jest obiektem tego ataku. I wreszcie, określiliśmy, które rodziny partyjne w największym stopniu wykorzystują treści humorystyczne, ponieważ rozumiemy, że ten zasób jest częścią odwołania się do uczuć wyborcy i dlatego istotne jest, aby wiedzieć, czy istnieją różnice między grupami politycznymi. Uwzględniając tę strategię analityczną, struktura pracy rozpoczyna się od kontekstualizacji wyborów europejskich w 2019 roku, aby później skupić się na podkreśleniu znaczenia kampanii wyborczych jako okresu, w którym nasila się aktywność komunikacyjna. Po zdefiniowaniu i teoretycznym ograniczeniu znaczenia kampanii wyborczych, artykuł odnosi się do tego, w jaki sposób materiały kampanijne, w ogólnym kontekście propagandy politycznej, są jednym z najbardziej determinujących narzędzi. W tym sensie strategia analityczna dotycząca różnych materiałów kampanijnych wykorzystywanych przez partie polityczne koncentruje się wokół wykorzystania emocji. Dane pochodzące z Europejskiego Centrum Monitorowania Wyborów (EEMC) zostały wykorzystane nie tylko do kontekstualizacji teoretycznej, ale także w całym artykule.

EN

This research analyses three fundamental questions to determine how, when and by whom emotions are used in campaign materials (political propaganda). Focusing on the 2019 European elections we carry out a three-phase analysis. Firstly, we check the use of rational content against content that appeals to voters’ emotions. Secondly, we observe which of these emo tions are channelled towards the use of negative strategies and, therefore, identifying who is the object of this attack. And lastly, we determine which party families make the most use of humorous content since this resource is believed to be part of an appeal to voter’s feelings and, therefore, it is essential to know if there are differences between political groups. Considering this analytical strategy, the structure of the work begins with the contextualisation of the 2019 European elections to focus, later, on highlighting the importance of electoral campaigns as a given time when communicative activity intensifies. Once the importance of electoral campaigns has been defined the article analyses how campaign materials, in a general context of political propaganda, are one of the most powerful tools. In this sense, the analytical strategy of political parties’ campaign materials can be said to focus on the use of emotions. Data from the European Elections Monitoring Center (EEMC) has been used not only for theoretical contextualization, but throughout the whole paper.

10

Elections in Hybrid Regimes

51%

Balicki R.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

|

2020

|

issue 6 (58)

159-166

EN

Elections are nowadays treated as a symbol of a democratic order. However, this view is not true. The institution of elections also occurs in states that are far from being a democracy. However, their course and functions significantly differ from the elections carried out in democratic countries. As it has been shown in the article, the analysis of the title issue becomes particularly important due to the growing group of countries referred to as hybrid regimes.

PL

Wybory traktowane są współcześnie jako symbol demokratycznego porządku. Jednak pogląd ten nie jest prawdziwy. Instytucja wyborów występuje również w państwach, które są dalekie od demokracji. Jednak ich przebieg i spełniane funkcje w istotny sposób różnią się od wyborów realizowanych w państwach demokratycznych. Jak ukazane to zostało w artykule analiza tytułowego zagadnienia staje się szczególnie istotna z związku ze zwiększająca się grupą państw określanych jako reżimy hybrydowe.

11

Wizerunek kandydatów na urząd prezydenta miasta Rzeszowa na portalu społecznościowym Facebook a preferencje wyborcze elektoratu

51%

Boratyn D.

UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

|

2018

|

issue 4(9)

89-100

PL

Wybory samorządowe w 2018 r. w Rzeszowie zakończyły się zwycięstwem Tadeusza Ferenca, który jako kandydat na prezydenta miasta uzyskał najlepszy wynik wyborczy i po raz piąty otrzymał klucze stolicy Podkarpacia. Ważną rolę w kampanii wyborczej odegrał Internet – media społecznościowe, w tym przede wszystkim portal Facebook. Wirtualna rzeczywistość stała się miejscem wzmożonej aktywności politycznej i rywalizacji o poparcie. Nowe media powoli, ale sukcesywnie i konsekwentnie zastępują media tradycyjne, wymuszając tym samym stosowanie nowych metod prowadzenia kampanii wyborczych przez osoby, które aspirują do tego, aby pełnić funkcje publiczne. W dobie nowoczesnych technologii wpływ sieci, a także właściwe wykorzystanie Internetu i mediów społecznościowych może zadecydować o sukcesie wyborczym, nie są one jednakże jego ostatecznym gwarantem. Współcześnie aktywność na portalach takich jak Facebook stanowi jedynie dodatek do kampanii tradycyjnej i tylko w połączeniu z nią może przynieść zamierzony efekt.

EN

The 2018 local elections in Rzeszów ended with the victory of Tadeusz Ferenc, who as a city presidential candidate was elected the president of the capital of Podkarpacie for the fifth time. The Internet and social media, primarily Facebook, played an important role during the election campaign. Cyberspace has become a place of increased political activity and rivalry for the electorate's support. New media are slowly but consistently replacing traditional media and thus enforce the use of modern methods of conducting election campaigns on people who aspire to perform public duties. In the era of modern technology, the impact of the World Wide Web as well as the proper use of the Internet and social media might decide electoral success. However, it should be noted that it is not its ultimate guarantor. Nowadays, activity on social media such as Facebook is only an addition to the traditional campaign and only in connection with such a campaign can it bring the intended effect.

12

Weryfikacja ważności wyborów ogólnokrajowych w Polsce

41%

Balicki R.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

|

2021

|

issue 4 (62)

249-258

EN

The article discusses the procedure for verifying the validity of nationwide elections in Poland. The author draws attention to the important role attributed to elections as an essential element of the democratic system and the need to preserve the will expressed by the sovereign in voting. Verification of elections in Poland is carried out by the Supreme Court, in a two-stage procedure involving issuing an opinion on the election protests lodged and then passing a resolution on the validity of the elections. The author draws attention to the narrow and formalistic interpretation of legal norms in the course of issuing a resolution on the validity of elections.

PL

Artykuł poświęcony został procedurze przeprowadzania weryfikacji ważności wyborów ogólnokrajowych w Polsce. Autor zwraca uwagę na ważną rolę przypisywaną wyborom jako istotnemu elementowi sytemu demokratycznego i konieczność zachowania woli wyrażonej przez suwerena w głosowaniu. Weryfikację wyborów w Polsce przeprowadza Sąd Najwyższy, w dwustopniowej procedurze polegającej na wydawaniu opinii w sprawie wniesionych protestów wyborczych, a następnie podjęcie uchwały o ważności wyborów. Autor zwraca uwagę na wąską i formalistyczną interpretacje norm prawnych w toku wydawania uchwały o ważności wyborów.

13

La transición política de los países de América Latina – entre el autoritarismo y la democracia

36%

KRZYWICKA K.

Revista del CESLA. International Latin American Studies Review

|

2010

|

vol. 2

|

issue 13

623-642

EN

The paper discusses some chosen, leading tendencies observed in the area of political relations and systems of exercising power in Latin America. The author attempts to analyze some specific features characteristic for the transforma-tions in the Latin American political systems. She takes into consideration main as-pects and conditions of the political transitions which are: the growing importance of elections, as well as durability and popularity of electoral democracy in that region; the extension of competences and reinforcement of the role of executive powers; the crisis of representative democracy; the decline of the importance and role of political parties and the parliament; the appearance of apolitical forms of leadership and new forms of expression of social interests. The paper ends up in a conclusion that Latin America enters a new phase of political advancement and attempts to find its own model of democracy.

ES

El trabajo reflexiona sobre algunos fenómenos que destacaron en el ámbito de las relaciones políticas y desempeño del poder en América Latina. El artí-culo trata de responder a la pregunta sobre la especificidad de los cambios de los sis-temas políticos. La autora analiza los principales aspectos y condiciones de la transi-ción política, a los que incluye el aumento de la importancia de las elecciones, la per-manencia y universalidad de la democracia electoral en la región, la ampliación de las competencias y el fortalecimiento del papel del poder ejecutivo, la crisis de la demo-cracia representativa, el déficit de la importancia y papel de los partidos políticos y el parlamento, la propagación de formas apolíticas del liderazgo y las nuevas formas de articulación de los intereses sociales. El artículo termina con la conclusión que América Latina entra en una nueva fase del desarrollo político y busca su propio modelo de la democracia.

14

The New Devolution in Wales as a Result of Emerging the Small Nation

31%

Sopoćko P.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

|

2016

|

vol. 23

|

issue 1

EN

In this article, an author proves that devolution based on the national identity fosters political development in Wales. The main historical facts are briefly recalled, coming smoothly to Tony Blair’s reforms and their partly failure. Author considers them as irreversible process’ elements, later continued by David Cameron who saw them as vital to awake national identity of Wales. Such efforts finally result in economic success of the whole region, based on devolution of powers, as it is concluded at the end.

Refine search results

Voter Absenteeism in the Local Government Elections in Poland in 2006

The Senate 2007: Block Voting in Operation

European Parliament Election: Why do Poles not Vote?

The relationship between position on an electoral list and chances of winning a seat in a representative body; experiences from the 2015 Sejm election in Poland

Unijna kontrola praworządności – uwagi de lege ferenda

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość na scenie politycznej województwa zachodniopomorskiego w latach 2005–2007. Część II

PiS na scenie politycznej województwa zachodniopomorskiego w latach 2005-2007, cz. 1

Saudi Arabia’s electoral politics in the making

The use of emotions in 2019 European Elections campaign materials

Elections in Hybrid Regimes

Wizerunek kandydatów na urząd prezydenta miasta Rzeszowa na portalu społecznościowym Facebook a preferencje wyborcze elektoratu

Weryfikacja ważności wyborów ogólnokrajowych w Polsce

La transición política de los países de América Latina – entre el autoritarismo y la democracia

The New Devolution in Wales as a Result of Emerging the Small Nation