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Zasady systemu instytucjonalnego Unii Europejskiej

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EN
The institutional system of the European Union consists of both certain institutions and specific principles delimiting its powers. Similarly to the EU, which is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, liberty, democracy, equality, the rule of law, and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities, the institutions enumerated in Article 13 TEU are based on the principles of: institutional autonomy, institutional balance, single institutional framework and loyal inter-institutional cooperation. These principles are, to a large extent, the product of reasonable sensibleactivities of the Court of Justice. The said rules serve as signposts designed to provide direction for the EU’s institutions in a complex political reality strongly influenced by provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon.
EN
The article describes and assesses the role of national parliaments in EU legislation considering the reforms introduced by the Lisbon Treaty. This is closely connected with the understanding and (political) application of the principle of subsidiarity. After an analysis of the possibilities and limitations of the relevant legal regulations in the post-Lisbon age, alternative ways for participation of national legislators on the European level are being scrutinized and proposed. The issue of democratic legitimisation is also interconnected with the current political reforms being discussed in order to overcome the ‘Euro-crisis’. Finally, the authors argue that it does not make sense to include national parliaments in the existing legislative triangle of the EU and they promote the creation of a new kind of supervisory body instead.
EN
The Euro zone has undergone profound institutional changes since the occurrence of its 2010 crisis. The EU countries which, due to different reasons, have not entered to the EMU, must rethink their calculus. Standard economic analysis should be now supplemented with political-institutional dimension. Under these circumstances the article sketches three possible scenarios for Poland, which should be taken into account by decision-makers: (a) fast accession to the euro zone. (b) laggard ‘fence sitting’, and (c) ‘shutting the door’. Each of them raises important economic and politicoinstitutional consequences. The text argues that in overall assessment, the longer the accession to the euro area is delayed, the stronger the risk of Poland’s peripherization in the EU. Therefore the comprehensive analysis of costs and benefi ts under new circumstances should be done fast.
EN
This paper analyses the question of how to perceive the traditional theoretical concept of state sovereignty vis-á-vis European integration. Within the European project we face the paradox of having two authorities claiming autonomy and dominance. It is undisputable that the European Union is behaving like an autonomous public power - the new sovereign of its kind. But at the same time the Member States also maintain their sovereign statehood. This duality cannot be comprehended together with the old characteristics of sovereignty, which accepts only one holder of this feature. To reconcile the phenomena of European integration and the concept of sovereignty, we must shift into new definitions of the latter. This paper argues in favour of the acceptation of a shared sovereignty concept.
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New trends in common agricultural policy of the EU

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EN
The European common agricultural policy is heavily criticized by experts. CAP is accused to be inefficient due to little improvement in agriculture and high budget spending. This paper aims to answer a question whether all instruments are really so badly designed? The first part of the analysis of various policy mechanisms are provided to show their effects on market. The development of EU agricultural policies and present movement are included at the end of the first part of the analysis. A comparison of EU and US approach to agricultural sector is discussed in the second part of the analysis.
EN
The concept of Industry 4.0 turns 10 years old in 2021. This milestone calls for renewed inquiries to review the current efforts of the European Union (EU) and its Member States towards the modernisation of European industry. In 2018, the European Commission published the Digital Transformation Scoreboard 2018: EU businesses go digital: Opportunities, outcomes and uptake, which reports on the readiness for the digital revolution focused on building an economy in line with the concept of Industry 4.0 at three levels: European, national, and business. This study shows how much still remains to be done. At the same time, it identifies some of the key elements contributing to the success in this area, i.e., the digitisation of machines, Big Data, robotics and artificial intelligence, which represent the very essence of the idea of revolution 4.0. The aim of the paper is to determine the extent to which the new strategy for industry proposed by the European Commission in 2020 follows the concept of Industry 4.0. Quantitative and qualitative research methods were used. Statistical analysis was used to demonstrate the importance of industry in the economy of the European Union between 1998 and 2019 in terms of the share in the added value created and the significance for the labour market. The descriptive methods used include a review of the literature and research on the concept of Industry 4.0 and an analysis of the latest strategic documents of the European Commission (EC) in relation to industrial policy.
EN
This article discusses Bronisław Huberman (1882–1947), a Polish-Jewish virtuoso of the violin who is nowadays known mainly to aficionados of music history, interested in music of the first half of the 20th century. The article reminds us of the fact – lost completely in the collective memory of today’s European Union – that Huberman was next to Richard N. von Coudenhove- Kalergi a relevant precursor of European integration and author of programme manifestos of this idea. The idea of European Integration was in Huberman’s time known as Pan-Europe and Huberman himself was a famous disseminator thereof at the international level.
EN
The latter European crisis reveals the fact that traditional agreements between governments of the Member States and supranational political and legal institutions of the European Union are not sufficient for the maintenance of European Union stability and integrity. Therefore, the political and legal sustainability of the European Union requires a certain metatheory as a methodology, which could essentially contribute to the coherent construction, interpretation and assessment of theoretical and practical issues of the European Union’s legal and political reality. This paper aims to explore two main questions: What is constitutionalism as a legal-political metatheory? What challenges are faced by this theory while addressing the specific EU legal-political reality construction problems? The results of the research reveal that constitutionalism as a metatheory is constituted by principles and values, which provide ideological support for the development of the nation, and performs a methodological function in the construction of legal and political reality. However, the EU’s political elite still seeks to legitimize constitutionalism as a political action theory, which, accordingly, legitimizes the respective legal policies it pursues. This process dangerously increases the gap between the EU’s political elite and the societies of its Member States.
EN
Criminal law as it’s traditionally seen is a set of standards defining socially harmful acts, referred to as crimes, determining the responsibility for these acts and the penalties, sanctions and protective measures applied against the perpetrators. More than any other branch of law, criminal law reflects social attitudes towards specific cultural, moral and financial issues, demonstrating susceptibility to social changes, in principle denying its inter-culturalism, and exemplifying an extremely strong rooting in a specific culture. The concept of the European integration, together with ongoing globalization, have caused a shift in the way of thinking about the functioning of not only global society, countries or international institutions, but have also been changing the feeling of identity of individuals and their identification with a specific group or community. At the same time, the free flow of persons supporting the phenomenon of multi-culturalism, so characteristic for the concept of the European integration, has been determining the transnational nature of crime to a greater extent than before. This transnational character enforces, simultaneously, the development of the tools habitually designed for counteracting crime, including, first of all, traditionally understood criminal law. One example is the Erasure of Conviction in the Polish Criminal Law from the Perspective of the European Criminal Records Information System.
EN
Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s engagement in the post-war process of setting-up of international cooperation in Europe is doubtless. Yet, it is not clear, what was the main factor which made the chancellor take the European path. The paper comprises an analysis of terms, which decided the political course of Adenauer’s Germany. What should be reckoned among them is: critical situation of Europe, factual elimination of German statehood, exceptional position od extra-European powers (USA as an ally and USSR as the main threat) and Franco-German relations, which required a complete redefi nition. The main thesis reads that European orientation perfectly served the purposes of German interests in the post war epoch, while the chancellor was fully aware of that. In the conclusion the author tends to answer a question, if it is possible to trace some aspects of idealism in Adenauer’s views and actions, despite his incontestable political realism.
EN
In 2010 Hungary entered a new chapter in its history, described on the domestic stage as ‘the struggle for freedom’, the ‘age of national independence’ (from any foreign diktat) and the ‘unorthodox economy’, which led also to its ‘opening to the East’ (including China and Russia). The unquestioned leader of the state, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, even confi rmed that this is ‘an illiberal system’, moving ever further and further away from the liberal democracy established in 1990. Using mainly Hungarian language sources (as only small part of the crucial material is available in English), this study tries to describe the essence of the new system, the way it works, and what it looks like. The importance of this Hungarian case study lies in the fact that it constitutes yet another challenge on the path of European integration, along with so many other obstacles that have recently been occurring. Is the new Hungarian system a model for the others in the region and for the whole EU? No one knows the answer, but it is high time we examined what the Hungarian system looks like from the inside, after its departure from the rule of law, liberal democracy, and the system of checks and balances.
EN
The United Kingdom has had an important position in Europe for centuries. Often it is seen as an anti-European country, or as being anti-integration in Europe but it is just defending its own interests, which in many cases hare differed from other members of the European Communities. The UK policy towards European cooperation has been influenced by the particular interest of the country, but there has always been a strong relation between the British and Europe. Great Britain had the biggest empire in human history spread all over the globe, and hence its interest was global rather than limited to local European states. The UK was a victorious country in the Second World War, the only Western European state that participated actively in Nazi defeat. As an important consequence, British nationalism was seen as a positive force to unite all the British against an external threat. During centuries, the British economy has been based on trade, and internationally the government supported and expanded the free trade idea in the world economy to European trade relations. This paper analyzes the main issues that explain the special relations between the EU and the UK. The paper is developed from a historical point of view with a methodology’ based on the critical review of historical facts from a global perspective of the whole traditional approach of the UK towards European integration.
EN
In this article, the author touches on the evolution of the European integration process, trying to capture the essence of the idea of federalisation on the way to the creation of the European Union. The theoretical narrative within federal thoughts is complemented by contemporary limitations both in the formal acceptance of the idea of federalisation of the European Union and in the informal “pole organizing the imagination” as mentioned by T. Mazowiecki. The main narrative, therefore, concerns the division of the field of EU integration between the analysis of structural limitations of the idea of federalisation of the European Union, including the system and jurisdictions of nation states, as well as ideational limitations, individual approach of the Member States to the integration process or the electoral success of Eurosceptics.
PL
Stosunki między Szwajcariąa Unią Europejską mogą być postrzegane jako interesujące, a jednocześnie jako bezprecedensowy przykład nowej, elastycznej integracji. Mimo ponad dekady owocnej współpracy, wiele jej aspektów pozostaje kontrowersyjnymi. Problem autonomicznej adaptacji, braku możliwości wpływania na procesy decyzyjne na terytorium Wspólnot, otwarcia rynku pracy dla obywateli nowych państw członkowskich UE lub inne problemy związane z instytucjonalnym wymiarem realizacji umów. To tylko część problemów, które mogą być wymienione w tym kontekście. Można więc postawić zasadnicze pytanie: co będzie dalej? Czy ten bezprecedensowy przykład nowej formy integracji osiągnął już swoje granice? Jakie mogą być perspektywy przyszłej współpracy? Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba znalezienia odpowiedzi na powyższe pytania. W rozważaniach uwzględniono kilka scenariuszy, będących wynikiem analizy aktualnych warunków i doświadczeń, jak również na oceny bieżącej strategii politycznej szwajcarskiego rządu. Mowa o: kontynuacji stosunków dwustronnych, przystąpieniu do Unii Europejskiej lub zawarciu umowy ramowej czy też stowarzyszenia. Scenariusze te są analizowane w celu znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie o najbardziej prawdopodobny przebieg przyszłych stosunków między Unią Europejską a Szwajcarią.
EN
Relations between Switzerland and the European Union might be perceived as interesting, and at the same time an unprecedented example of the new, flexible integration. Despite more than a decade of fruitful cooperation, many of its aspects remains controversial. The problem of autonomous adaptation, lack of ability to influence decision-making processes within the Community, the opening of the labor market for new EU member states or other institutional aspects of the implementation of the agreements. These are just a part of the problems, which could be mentioned here. So the basie ąuestion remains - what will happen next? Has this an unprecedented example of a new form of integration reached its limits? What could be the prospects for the futurę cooperation? This article attempts to fmd answers to these ąuestions. Several scenarios are taking under consideration, based on an analysis of current conditions and experiences, as well as on evaluation of the current political strategy of the govemment. That is: continuation of the bilateral relations, the accession to the European Union or the conclusion of a framework or association agreement. Those scenarios are being analysed in order to find the most probably solution for the futurę relations between European Union and Switzerland.
PL
In September 2015, the European Commission announced the first actions of its plan to build a Capital Markets Union in Europe. The undertaken restructuring of the financing model is designed to make a shift in the main channel through which enterprises raise investment funds, from loans to capital, and – as a result – contribute to more dynamic growth in the EU Member States. I describe the key features of the Commission’s plan and discuss the economic rationale behind it. The plan has many strengths but also some weaknesses, such as limited ambition in the supervision and enforcement of securities regulations. Other challenges to the development of European capital markets include the financial transactions tax, the low-interest-rate environment, cultural reasons, and potential political opposition. My paper deals first of all with highlighting the structure of the financial sector in the European Union. It provides a overview of the role of the different financial and no financial sectors in offering capital funds to accomplish the needs of households, companies, governments, etc.. I also describe the history of capital market integration in the EU. The paper also analyses some important aspects of the implementation of the Capital Markets Union, which will be a key step in completing the EU Single Market. I concluded that the integration of the capital markets will be a strong step in supporting economic growth and competitiveness in the EU in the long run.
EN
The article concerns the European Union as an organization, which was intended to ensure that European countries prosperity and opportunity to secure growth. At the beginning the author reminds, what was the point of creation and presents the origins and history of the present Union (former Communities). This excerpt from the article begins with a brief overview of previous integration projects that have emerged in Europe. Shown is what the organization concerned was in the beginning, and how has changed over the decades of its existence. A key element of the article are reflections about what the European Union is now and is it still reflects an ideas which constituted the reason for starting the integration process. Also important are comments on this, in which direction the common European project is moving in the face of the restitution of national egoism. The main thesis of the article were established in 2013, and thus before it turned out that secessionist tendencies are even more severe than we thought (the example is the British vote for leaving the union in June 2016).
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony Unii Europejskiej jako organizacji, która w założeniu miała zapewnić krajom europejskim dostatek i możliwość bezpiecznego rozwoju. Na początku autor przypomina, jaki był sens utworzenia i przedstawia genezę oraz historię obecnej Unii (dawnych Wspólnot), przy czym ten fragment artykułu rozpoczyna krótki przegląd wcześniejszych projektów integracyjnych, jakie pojawiły się w Europie. Ukazano, jaka przedmiotowa organizacja była na początku i jak zmieniała się w ciągu kilkudziesięciu lat swojego istnienia. Kluczowym elementem artykułu są refleksje na temat tego, jaka Unia Europejska jest obecnie i czy w dalszym ciągu stanowi ona odzwierciedlenie idei, które stanowiły powód rozpoczęcia procesów integracyjnych. Istotne są również uwagi dotyczące tego, w jakim kierunku wspólny europejski projekt zmierza w obliczu restytucji narodowych egoizmów. Główne tezy artykułu powstały jeszcze w 2013 roku, a więc przed tym, jak okazało się, że tendencje secesjonistyczne są nawet bardziej nasilone, niż się wydawało (czego przykładem jest opowiedzenie się mieszkańców Wielkiej Brytanii za wyjściem z Unii w czerwcu 2016 roku).
EN
Enoch Powell was the first authenticBritish eurosceptic and generally important British politician with ideology of greatscope and importance. Margaret Thatcher declared that “He was first on Europe”. Milton Friedman said “He was the only man in Britain who knew what to dowith economy”. This article goes chronologically through his political career and shows gradualdevelopment of Powell’s thinking. Special emphases is set on his most brilliantthoughts on European political integration, defense of parliament democracy andeconomic policy. His than lonely voice made it to history because of his vigour. Hesaw the EMU as a tool for French or German dominance on the Continent. Creationof common European political entity of any kind was a complete nonsense to him. He was alsothe first representative of return to Conservative economic policy in the 80’s.
EN
The study treats the viewpoints of Pope Pius XII on the European integration process. His attitudes towards those events were highly relevant as he was heading the Roman Catholic Church at the time when two totalitarian ideologies — Nazism and Communism — clashed, and afterwards, at the outbreak of the Cold War. Primarily, the author of the study analyses what the main goals of the Pope were during the World War II as to the unification of the old continent, as well as what his stand on particular emerging organizations was — be it the European Coal and Steel Community (which Pius XII had already foreseen two years before its coming into existence), the European Defense Community, the role of the Vatican during the Hague Congress of 1949, or his promoting the proposal for a united strategy in foreign policies of the European countries. Although this fact may not be so well-known, Pius XII managed to create a unique attitude of the Papal See towards European integration, which has until today determined the stand of the Vatican on the question of the integration project to a considerable degree, stating that it ought to be even pursued in case it were economically unfavourable.
CS
Studie pojednává o postojích papeže Pia XII. vůči evropskému integračnímu procesu. Stanoviska papeže k těmto událostem byla o to významnější, že stál v čele římskokatolické církve v době střetu dvou totalitních ideologií — nacismu a komunismu — a posléze začínající studené války. Autor primárně analyzuje, jaké byly hlavní cíle papeže během druhé světové války, pokud šlo o budoucí sjednocení starého kontinentu, a o jeho vztah ke konkrétním organizacím — Evropskému společenství uhlí a oceli (jež Pius XII. dokonce prorocky předestřel dva roky před jeho vznikem), Evropskému obrannému společenství, o roli Vatikánu během Haagského kongresu v roce 1949 či o jeho podporu návrhu na jednotnou zahraniční politiku evropských zemí. Pius XII., ač je toto téma prakticky neznámé, vytvořil jedinečný přístup Svatého stolce k evropské integraci, který dodnes do velké míry determinuje postoj Vatikánu k integračnímu projektu, v němž by se podle jeho slov mělo pokračovat i v případě ekonomické nevýhodnosti.
EN
Although the governments of Poland and Hungary seem to similarly contest the conditionality mechanism that requires one to respect the rule of law when using EU funds, there are differences between these countries. They become visible in the framing of political communication as regards the opposition parties. This article seeks to identify the grounds of the competition from parliamentary opposition of the governments in relation to the EU Recovery and Resilience Fund. An analysis of 2021's parliamentary debates on national recovery and resilience plans revealed three communication frameworks: the financial frame (the policy dimension), the quality of governance frame (the politics dimension), and the European integration frame which shaped domestic political rivalry (the polity dimension). Differences within these framings between the narrative of the Polish and Hungarian opposition resulted from different institutional and structural contexts. The study confirms the importance of national opposition parties for the analysis of the process of European integration. The existence of a liberal opposition may promote the salience of the topic of European integration in domestic political debate.
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EN
The growing diversity of the European Union is seen as one of its core political and cultural characteristics. As a result, the idea of a common EU identity is based on the understanding of how different cultures, traditions and languages of Europe enrich its population and strengthen the Union. “United in Diversity” is the official motto of the EU. Despite the fact, that multilingualism is seen as an important component of the EU Language Policy, English is still (and likely will continue to be) very popular among the non-native speakers of the European Union. It is used as lingua franca that aids intercultural communication, mobility and various educational programs like Erasmus+. Our analysis of the concept DIVERSITY and its verbalizers in the EU English-language academic and official discourse demonstrated that the most frequent collocates with “diversity” are formed with help of the attributes “cultural”, “linguistic” and “gender”. The results show the EU priority areas of the implementation of its “United in Diversity” policy.
XX
Wzrastająca różnorodność Unii Europejskiej jest postrzegana jako jedna z jej wartości politycznych i kulturowych. W konsekwencji idea wspólnej tożsamości UE opiera się na pojmowaniu tego, jak różne kultury, tradycje i języki Europy wzbogacają jej mieszkańców oraz jednoczą Unię. „Zjednoczona w różnorodności” – to oficjalna dewiza UE. Mimo że wielojęzyczność postrzegana jest jako istotny składnik polityki językowej UE, język angielski wciąż jest (i prawdopodobnie będzie nadal) bardzo popularny wśród obywateli Unii Europejskiej, dla których nie jest on językiem ojczystym. Język angielski działa jako lingua franca i sprzyja relacjom międzykulturowym, mobilności oraz wdrażaniu różnorodnych programów edukacyjnych, na kształt Erasmus+. Nasza analiza konceptu DIVERSITY i jego werbalizatorów w angielskojęzycznym akademickim i oficjalnym unijnym dyskursie wskazuje, że najczęściej z «diversity» używane są przymiotniki „cultural”, „linguistic” oraz „gender”. Wyniki świadczą, że właśnie te kierunki są priorytetowymi w realizacji strategii UE „Zjednoczona w różnorodności”.
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