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EN
Just before the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections many authors have indicated their exceptional nature. In this article the author attempts to analyze how these particular characteristics and fi rst decisions taken after the elections by the key EU level actors may shape the EU integration process in the coming years. The article focuses on how the fragmentation of the EP may infl uence the choice of the European integration directions in the near future. One of the first observed effects of this fragmentation was the failure of leading candidates system during the appointment process of the Commission President. Another one is Ursula von der Leyen’s political programme for the European Commission, built on the strong awareness of the need to create a governing coalition between the EP and the European Commission. Acknowledgment of the challenge of the EP diversity by the New Commission President may have a positive effect on the EU-level democracy, however with a decrease in the efficiency of the EP legislative process.
EN
The aim of the article is to show the challenges in scholarly attempts to conceptualize the phenomenon of irregular immigration. Although this type of migration has been of interest to scholars for several decades, it still requires in-depth analysis to better explain and understand its causes, scope, and consequences. The article attempts to clarify the nature of irregular immigration, indicating both the general ways of defining this phenomenon and the process of shaping it in socio-political reality since the end of the 19th century. The analysis reveals the internal diversity, dynamism, and ambiguity of this type of migration, which developed in parallel with the control instruments implemented by the states, aimed at enforcing increasingly complex immigration regulations conditioning the entry, stay and work of immigrants. The presented theoretical reflection on the complexity and the heterogeneity of irregular immigration is then confronted with the interpretation of this phenomenon in the EU immigration policy. Another important complement to these studies is to show the terminological challenges that have emerged in previous studies on irregular immigration. They are important both for the objectification of theoretical investigations and for an empirical analysis of this social phenomenon.
EN
Several projects like the Silk Road have been developed by different countries in the post-1991 period, but there is only one that had a tremendous global impact: the “One Belt One Road” (Belt and Road) Initiative developed by China. This project was first announced by the Chinese President Xi Jinping during his visit to Central Asia in 2013, and has subsequently had a tremendous global, regional and national effect. The Belt and Road Initiative not only covers almost the entire Asian continent, but also a large geographical area that extends from East Africa to Europe. Through this project China aims to promote common development and welfare sharing among all countries along the Belt and Road routes, to establish mutual political trust between China and these countries, to more effectively connect transportation networks among regions and cities along the routes, and to establish cultural contact between societies. Accordingly, China wants to put its development process on a planned and solid basis by increasing its global impact in the economic, political, and cultural fields.
EN
The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specificity of the Group’s cooperation before accession to NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4 countries against the background of the EU and selected member states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The final part contains conclusions relating to the Group’s activities with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to examine and analyse the appropriate modalities for the process of the Europeanisation of the countries from the Balkans, interalia, for the need to avoid the Balkanisation of Europe, bearing in mind all the aspects. The effects of these processes can be disseminated into two directions, EU-Balkans and vice versa, so the main point is to explore the common spots and to use them in the EU’s accession path of the Balkan countries. Due to the character of the paper, the most frequently used methods will be the descriptive method, the content analysis method and the comparative method.
EN
Nowadays the European Union migration policy towards is one of the most important aspects in ensuring internal security of the EU. At the end of the XXth – beginning of the XXI century, Europe faced a new phenomenon – the intensification of migration processes, namely the influx of refugees and migrants-asylum seekers from third countries. Therefore, it led to the creation and development of common migration policy of the European Union. In this regard, it was important to create legislation that could regulate such issues as border security and combating illegal migration, as well as to create a common asylum system. The need to study the legal framework on which the EU policy on migrants and refugees is based, and to study the current state and trends in the migration policy of the member-states of the EU has determined the relevance of this study. The importance of this topic is intensifi ed by the European migration crisis of 2015, which is even described as a humanitarian catastrophe caused by a massive influx of refugees from Africa and the Middle East. It showed the main problems in the sphere of migration policy and policy towards refugees: imperfection of the system of delimitation of the EU competencies; a large number of countries with confl icting interests in various spheres; fragmentation of programs in force at the national level. To address the migration crisis, the EU used a multifaceted strategy: improving and creating new migration management institutions, expanding crossregional dialogue with the countries of the Mediterranean region, Africa and the Middle East; continued to reformat the Mediterranean region (region-building). Potential approaches range from an internal search for strategies in which each member state seeks to defend its own interests (sometimes even against European integration processes) to a more farsighted approach in which member states work together to address a wide range of migration issues.
EN
The European Union undertakes numerous activities to implement a common energy policy for all Member States. However, since the countries in question have different energy resources, geographical location and terrain, unifi cation of national policies at EU level is a particularly arduous and difficult process. This article focuses on the analysis of energy sectors in Austria, Germany, Poland and Sweden. These countries were chosen because they offer considerable diversity, having different energy resources, geographical location, climatic conditions, as well as a different genesis of shaping their energy policy over the years. The analysis showed that the energy sectors in Poland, Germany, Austria and Sweden operate completely differently and rely on different energy resources. In Sweden, electricity mainly comes from hydropower and nuclear energy, while energy from coal is not produced at all. In Austria, coal is also not extracted, and the production of electricity is based mainly on renewable sources, and above all on hydropower. Germany is one of the countries with the highest level of coal mining in the world, therefore electricity is obtained mainly from this source, but also from nuclear energy and increasingly from renewable sources, mainly wind, biofuel and solar energy. Poland is among the world’s leading producers of coal, and obtaining electricity from this source accounts for as much as 80% in Poland; the rest comes from renewable sources, mainly wind energy, then biofuels, hydro energy and natural gas.
EN
Maintaining peace in the Western Balkans and Kosovo has become a high aim for international organisations. Challenges in Kosovo such as the confl ict in the 1990’s and afterwards, as well as the lack of political unity and institutions capable of both civilian and military intervention have led to long-term involvement of the EU. It should be noted that the engagement of the EU was also caused by ethnic nationalism, socio–economic problems and interethnic tensions, mainly between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo, as well as unresolved issues in bilateral relations. This paper analyses the role of the EU in maintaining peace through its civilian mission and enlargement policy. The ongoing EULEX civilian mission was aimed at establishing a multi-ethnic justice system and police force, as well as introducing and promoting the rule of law, public order and security. The enlargement policy is seen as an important process of interethnic and inter-state reconciliation.
EN
The aim of the paper is to analyze how Europeanization is used as an instrument of the European Union’s foreign policy in the field of promoting democracy in the world . This first requires an indication that all EU activities, including its relations with the international environment, are based on specific normative foundations. They include the so-called European values regarding, generally speaking, the promotion of democracy and broadly understood human rights, as well as strengthening peace in international relations. “European values” are not only political and ideological guidelines, but also legal norms enshrined in EU treaties, so the promotion of democracy is one of the basic goals of the EU’s foreign policy. Analysis of the EU’s promotion of democracy requires the presentation of the main categories used to study this issue, i.e. showing what is understood by Europeanization, as well as by the associated concepts of democratization and socialization. Then mechanisms of Europeanization are examined, as well as its results and evaluation of its effectiveness is provided. In this respect the case study is very helpful, in that it examines the results of Europeanization in relation to the EU partner countries covered by the Eastern Partnership. The paper ends with final remarks constituting a summary of the studied issues.
EN
The article falls into the complicated and only partially analysed issues related to the essence of relations between international intergovernmental organizations. Against a background of the typology taking into account the scope and nature of EU representation in international intergovernmental organizations, it addresses the most important issues related to the essence of relations between the EC/EU and NAFO. Therefore, it discusses such matters as: the evolution of NAFO in the years 1979–2017, the nature of EU membership in NAFO, matters related to the representation and implementation of EC/EU interests on NAFO forum, as well as the system of internal coordination of EU activities in connection with its membership in this organization.
EN
The EU-Western Balkans Cultural Heritage Route, international activities for the protection of cultural heritage in Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen, Silk Route Heritage Corridors in Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia, projects promoting European cultural heritage through EU Delegations in third countries are projects implemented outside the European Union as part of the European Year of Cultural Heritage (EYCH) in 2018. At the same time, the EU promoted these activities as flagship examples of the implementation of the EU Strategy for international cultural relations launched in 2016. The aim of the article is to analyze the ways of implementing the international dimension of the EYCH, which, although important in the context of the activities of European institutions and organizations involved in the implementation of the EU strategy in the field of international cultural relations and EU cultural diplomacy, remains for the time being a side theme and is not deepened in the subject literature. The article indicates that the specific moment for heritage, which became the celebration of the European Year of Cultural Heritage, was important not only for the internal dynamics of shifting culture from the periphery to the mainstream of EU policies, but also for the process of operationalisation of the 2016 Strategy.
EN
Enhanced cooperation (originally closer cooperation) was inserted into the EU institutional and legal system by the Amsterdam Treaty in a response to political calls for establishment of a mechanism that would allow for deeper integration of only some Member States (“coalitions of the willing”) in the ever-enlarging EU. As such, this step meant a break with the unity dogma the European integration had been traditionally built upon and provided for institutionalised differentiation in the EU. Redesigned by both the Treaty of Nice and the Treaty of Lisbon, enhanced cooperation has materialized in 5 cases since 2010. Apart from that, possibility of a recourse to enhanced cooperation has played a role in negotiation strategies within the EU decision-making process and in reflections on the future of the EU. While enhanced cooperation is not a magic panacea to divergences of opinions on the European integration between individual Member States, in particular, middle-sized and small Member States including the Czech Republic shall not underestimate the potential this mechanism might have.
EN
European Union and Indian Union signed the cooperation agreement in 1994 and a strategic partnership 10 years later. Europe was feeling safe and secure, which was well-described in 2003 in the European Security Strategy, so the approach to the relations with India stressed their economic aspects. In 2007, both sides have started negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement. They still have not concluded but in the meantime the world has changed dramatically. In the current international “disorder” both India and Europe are looking for new partners and vectors of influence, defending multilateralism and democratic values. The paper analyses 5 factors which severely influence these relations. They can bring both sides closer and make the strategic partnership stronger: Rise of China as a global power, Increase of American-Chinese competition and rivalry, Russia’s coming back to the international game of power, Rise of India as a regional power and global player, the world largest democracy and a counterbalance to China, Brexit and internal dynamics in the EU. The text is based, among others, on research and discussions taken under umbrella of the India–EU Think Tank Twinning Initiative – the project implemented by 10 best European and Indian think tanks.
EN
This article focuses on the development assistance provided by eight European Union countries, which are not part of the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC). These are: Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, and Romania. A comparison is made between the performance data relating to these countries and that of the following 3 groups: a) the Czech Republic, Hungary, Iceland, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia (countries that have joined the DAC in recent years), b) so-called old EU members (EU15) and the so-called new members (EU13), c) the aggregate assistance offered by the EU countries and institutions represented on the Committee. By an analysis of OECD and World Bank statistics, we can see that ODA expenditure in absolute figures is primarily determined by a country’s GNI, and not by its relative wealth (GDP per capita) or quality of life (HDI score). This also applies to bilateral aid. However, the level of GDP per capita, and the HDI scores do have some effect on the percentage of GNI devoted to development aid.
EN
Brexit has betrayed the disadvantages of the European project along with the fact that European institutions have no desire to conduct deeper reforms. Brexit cannot be considered without the stance that the British have developed not only in the last few years but generally over the period of its integration with continental Europe. A study shows the political consequences of the UK’s exit from the European Union alog with the potential scenarios of Poland’s European policy in the next 2–3 years. This article presents three scenarios for the development of Poland's European policy, i.e. the British scenario, a conservative scenario and a pro-European scenario. In addition, this article aims to show the potential activities of the Polish government in the context of selected scenarios for the development of the situation in Europe. Currently, the most likely is the British scenario, where the Polish government concentrates on those areas of integration that are important to it. The European Union will be treated by Poland as an economic organization providing access to the common European market as well as political support in the event of disputes with the powers. The adoption of the British scenario by Poland assumes an evolutionary drift towards polexit. The least realistic choice of scenario is the strongly pro-European approach. This would require a total change in Poland's European policy strategy and the abandoning of internal reforms.
EN
Donald Trump’s “America-first” diplomacy has undermined the foundations of many alliances, including a transatlantic relationship on which post-war liberal order would rest. Under the current American presidency, EU–US relations are facing significant challenges whose implications are still far from clear. The list of discrepancies between the allies are growing ever longer and the American administration’s decisions are antithetical to those taken by Brussels and other European capitals. Divisions, among other things, have occurred over policies towards the Paris Climate Agreement, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and the Middle East approach. The special relationship between Europe and United States can no longer be taken for granted. In this presented paper, the author has looked beyond current political disagreements in order to focus on the long term factors underlying the “special relationship”. The rationale behind this research is the dawn of great power politics that happens during the transition from uni-to-multipolar order. America’s disengagement from (and defunding of) the global scene means that the European Union will have to adjust to a world with numerous centres of power and different sources of threat. Ursula von der Leyen announced, upon assuming offi ce in December 2019, that she would lead a “geopolitical Commission” engaged in tackling global challenges. All of this in the face of the first American administration in post-war history that opposes European integration. Due to the space limit (and deservedness for sole attention), the security and defence dimension of transatlantic cooperation will only be briefly mentioned. Regardless of any comments made by former European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker that the European Union will not create an alternative model to NATO, the creation of a Permanent Structure Cooperation (PESCO) and the establishing of a European Defence Fund cannot be limitted. Enhanced European defence will be essential for a “healthy transatlantic partnership with the United States”. That partnership will, almost certainly, become more transactional.
EN
As a media outlet established, funded and controlled by the public, the public broadcaster has a special obligation in regard to informing the people about topics of public interest in accordance with professional reporting standards. European integration represents one of these topics, bearing in mind the fact that Montenegro started its journey towards the European Union in 2008. So far, 32 chapters have been opened, excluding Chapter 8 which is related to competition. In recent years, public opinion polls have shown a decline in the number of Montenegrin citizens who support Montenegro’s accession to the EU. This result can be explained by the impact of Brexit and the pessimistic estimates of experts that the European Union is going to fall apart in the near future. It is clear that the media – above all the public broadcaster – plays an important role in the process of informing the public on the accession process and shaping public opinion. Therefore, this work shall be dedicated to an analysis of the public broadcaster’s reporting on Chapter 27 which is related to the environment and climate change. This chapter was chosen precisely because Montenegro defi nes itself as an ecological state.
EN
The article deals with the concept of solidarity in the context of the current refugee crisis. Specifically, employing the Discourse-Historical Approach, it explores how solidarity is constructed in the discourse of the EU and in two member states, in Poland and in the Czech Republic which have been very critical of the EUropean approach to refugees from the beginning of the refugee crisis in 2015. As the findings suggest, relocations seem to be the only contested aspect of a more complex solution. On all other initiatives, there is an agreement between the EU and Poland and the Czech Republic even though the discourse might seem escalated at first sight. Moreover, drawing on the theoretical overview, the balancing of solidarity as a value with national interests and focus on security seems to be in line with the theoretical conceptualisation of international solidarity.
EN
Trade in services is becoming increasingly important in the international economy. That is so due to the economic and social development, as well as technological development. The European Union is involved in the processes of liberalizing trade in services on a global scale, as well as undertakes a number of activities regarding the liberalization of the provision of services between its Member States. The aim of the paper is to assess changes in the European trade in services in the context of intra-EU and external EU trade. The article discusses issues concerning the specifi cs and determinants of international trade in services, analysis of intra- and extra-EU trade in particular types of services, and whether changes in the structure of the European trade in services result from liberalization activities undertaken by the EU institutions. Analysis, taken for the period 2008–2016 using the WTO statistics, indicate that despite the efforts made, the development of international trade in services in the EU depends primarily on economic and technological factors, rather than on institutional factors. Especially that there are numerous barriers to the free movement of services on the EU internal market.
EN
After the end of the Cold War, neutrality was redefi ned by adapting its functioning to the unprecedented changes in the international environment. This redefinition covered two key areas; the change in attitudes towards international conflicts and the rejection of the principles of economic neutrality. By joining the EU, Austria, as a perpetually neutral state, made a commitment to fully conform with its obligations arising from participating in the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The necessary changes to legal regulations have led to a departure from the principles of traditional neutrality and the actual change of international status to an alliance-free/post-neutral state. The main area of main Austrian political forces’ dispute within foreign and security policy was the recognition of the possibility of abandonment of neutrality and NATO membership. It remains unresolved as to whether the rejection of neutrality constitutes solely a legal and constitutional issue. At the same time, Austrian society, with its firm pro-European attitude, still shows a strong commitment to neutrality.
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