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Oliver Frljić i nowy koszmar Europy

100%
Sztarbowski P.
Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna
|
2020
|
issue 157-158
1-32
EN
This article covers the works of the Croatian director Oliver Frljić from the perspective of the political influence of his performances. The frame for this research is Walter Benjamin’s historiosophical concept of „angel of history” and Chantal Mouffe’s theory of agonism concentrated on positive aspects of political conflicts. The author situates the director’s theatrical activities and his biography (especially his personal experience of the Yugoslav Wars) as a tool for understanding inexorable nationalistic tendencies in contemporary Europe. Frljić’s strategy of creating “radical fiction” and strong, shocking images is analysed as a vehicle for breaking the postdemocratic and postpolitical order. It means that theatre can be treated as a new form of protest and political subjectivity. For this reason Frljić’s performances are concerned with social debates about refreshing democracy
2
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Wzorzec integracji europejskiej – niemiecki czy szwajcarski federalizm?

84%
Magiera M.
Acta Politica Polonica
|
2017
|
vol. 39
|
issue 1
45-53
EN
The united Europe and its institutions still can not handle with the ideological crisis, economic stagnation and with lack of the social acceptance for solutions proposed by the EU. The Union’s diversity, differences between its Member States seem to impose on decisionmakers the use of solutions practiced in federal states. It should therefore be given an alternative: German or Swiss federalism. In context of European integration process it is worth to consider which experiences the EU should choose: the German or the Swiss.
PL
Zjednoczona Europa i jej instytucje ciągle nie mogą poradzić sobie z kryzysem tożsamości (ideologicznym), zastojem ekonomicznym i przede wszystkim z uzyskaniem społecznej akceptacji co do stosowanych rozwiązań integracyjnych. Jej zróżnicowanie, rozbieżność interesów członków Wspólnoty, wymusza na decydentach stosowanie rozwiązań federalnych. W kontekście procesu integracji europejskiej warto zatem rozważyć alternatywęczerpania wzorców z modelu niemieckiego (elitystycznego) czy szwajcarskiego (ludowego) federalizmu.
3
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Niezrównoważenie w kryzysie

84%
Szymański W., Uniwersytet Medyczny w Łodzi
Internetowy Magazyn Filozoficzny Hybris
|
2018
|
vol. 42 (3)
PL
W czasach kryzysu Europy nadmierne koncentrowanie się na kwestiach rynkowych i gospodarczych w analizowaniu przyczyn i szukaniu rozwiązan wspo łczesnych problemo w wydaje mi się działaniem niedostatecznym. Co więcej, uważam za niebezpieczne zaniedbywanie dobrobytu obywateli rozumianego szerzej niż dostatek zasobo w finansowych. W niniejszej pracy, korzystając z badań naukowych prowadzonych w celu odnalezienia korelato w deklarowanego poziomu szczęścia/dobrostanu (SWB, Subjective Well-Being), uznawszy je za najtrafniejszy miernik skuteczności polityki danego rządu, chciałbym pokazac alternatywne do najbardziej obecnie rozpowszechnionych teorii szczęścia. W pracy przedstawiam porównanie dwóch dominujących ostatnimi czasy współczynników, używanych w mierzeniu sukcesu danej polityki (IEF - Index of Economic Freedom oraz GCI, Global Competitiveness Index) ze stosunkowo niedawno stworzonym trzecim (SDGI, Sustainable Development Goals Index), prezentując badania wykazujące najwyższą moc tego ostatniego w przewidywaniu poziomu dobrostanu jednostek. Jeśli wyniki tych badań mona uznać za poprawne, oznacza to, że obecne, uważane przez niektórych za nader redukcjonistyczne, podejście do kwestii poprawy losu obywateli jest mylne i należy przynajmniej rozważyć inną drogę. Jedną z propozycji „innej drogi” przedstawiam w skrócie w formie opisu celów paradygmatu zrównoważonego rozwoju.
EN
In the time of the European crisis, I find actions motivated by excessive attention paid to the financial and economic matters in analysing its reasons and the search for ways of amending it largely insufficient. Moreover, I believe it is dangerous to neglect the well-being of citizens understood more broadly than just a deficit of financial resources. In this paper, basing on research into finding correlates of subjective well-being of individuals, believing that they are the most effective measure of the quality of policies of any given government, I want to show an alternative approach to the current mainstream theories of happiness. I present a comparison of two dominant indexes used for measuring the quality of governance (IEF - Index of Economic Freedom and GCI, Global Competitiveness Index) and juxtapose them with the relatively recently created third index (SDGI, Sustainable Development Goals Index), citing results suggesting a higher explanatory power of the latter in predicting the well-being of individuals. If those results are correct, it seem that the contemporary, deemed by some to be overly reductionist, approach to improving the well-being of individuals is wrong and a different attitude should at least be considered. One of the „different attitudes” is presented in short in the form of a list of goals within the paradigm of sustainable development.
4
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Je suis Shakespeare: The Making of Shared Identities in France and Europe in Crisis

84%
Fayard N.
Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance
|
2019
|
vol. 19
|
issue 34
31-53
EN
This essay investigates the ways in which Shakespearean production speaks to France and wider European crises in 2015 and 2016. The Tempest and Romeo and Juliet were directed by Jérôme Hankins and Eric Ruf respectively in December 2015 and reflected significant contemporaneous issues, including: (1) two Paris terrorist attacks which sent shock waves throughout France and Europe; (2) the belief that shared identities were under threat; (3) concerns over shifting power dynamics in Europe. The portrayal of these issues and their reception bring into question the extent to which cultural productions can help to promote social change or shape perceptions of national and pan-European events. This essay focuses on whether the plays successfully complicate binary narratives around cultural politics in a context of crises by creating alternative representations of difference and mobilities. It concludes that appropriating Shakespeare’s cultural authority encourages some degree of public debate. However, the function of Shakespeare’s drama remains strongly connected to its value as an agent of cultural, political and commercial mobility, ultimately making it difficult radically to challenge ideologies.
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