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Vox Patrum
|
2017
|
vol. 67
523-542
PL
W kwestii snów jest niewielu autorów starożytnych, którzy skupialiby na so­bie większą uwagę niż Ewagriusz z Pontu. Dla niego, wizje i sny nie są narzę­dziem służącym do przepowiadania przyszłości lub utrzymywania kontaktu ze zmarłymi. Są one przede wszystkim środkiem umożliwiającym poznanie samego siebie i stanu swego życia duchowego. Autor artykułu, po szerszym nakreśleniu teorii dotyczących snów u najbardziej znaczących pisarzy tego okresu, omawia te wypowiedzi z korpusu dzieł Ewagriusza, które dotyczą wizji i snów, opisując ich mechanizmy jako złożony proces między namiętnościami, pamięcią i oddziały­waniem demonów.
EN
There are few late antiquity authors who pay more attention than Evagrius to dreams. For him, visions and dreams are not a way to prophesy the future or to keep in contact with the dead. They are basically a way to know oneself and the state of one’s own spiritual life. After contextualizing the theories on dreams in the most significant authors of that period, I discuss the place that visions and dreams occupied in the Evagrian corpus, describing their mechanisms as a complex ope­ration between passions, memory and the influence of demons.
EN
The article presents the teaching of Evagrius of Pontus on women. The author stresses the need to embed evagrian reflection in the context of strict monastic life and asceticism without which a monk of Pontus appears as mizoginist. Evagrius in his texts on women teaches anchorites three things. Firstly, it reminds them that they have chosen the life in the desert and should avoid any encounters with women. They have to stay rather in their cells praying instead of participating the local feasts and games. Secondly, it encourages that during the meetings on the occasion of spiritual direction monks should be extremely prudent and that this task is more proper to the senior monks. Thirdly, it teaches how to cleanse the soul and mind from the images of women.
Vox Patrum
|
2019
|
vol. 71
233-254
PL
Dla Asyryjskiego Kościoła Wschodu V wiek stał się okresem przełomowym, w niektórzej mierze zmieniwszym wizerunek duchowo-teologiczny tego Kościoła. Chodzi o tłumaczeniu z języka greckiego na syryjski tekstów filozoficznych i dzieł Ojców greckich. Elementy duchowości greckiej stopniowo przenikały w syryjskie środowisko monastyczne, zostawiając na nim swój odbitek. W artykule w sposób panoramiczny przedstawiono wpływ greckiej tradycji ascetycznej na duchowość syryjską, na przykładzie doktryny autora duchowego z VIII w. Józefa Ḥazzāyā, uznawanego za systematyzatora całego syryjskiego doświadczenia duchowo-mistycznego. Doktryna Ḥazzāyā kształtowała się, niewątpliwie, na gruncie jego własnej tradycji syryjskiej, a również pod wpływem wielkich autorytetów duchowych innych tradycji: Ewagriusza z Pontu, Makarego Egipskiego, Jana z Apamei. U nich Józef zapożyczył pojęcia kluczowe swojej doktryny, po raz pierwszy wprowadzając tak zwaną trzystopniową syntezę życia duchowego, zawierającą rozpatrywane w artykule różne elementy.
IT
For the Assyrian Church of the East, the 5th century became a turning point, which somewhat changed the spiritual and theological face of this Church. It marked the beginning of translations of the philosophical texts and works of the Greek Fathers from Greek into the Syriac language. Some elements of the Greek spirituality gradually penetrated into the Syriac monastic environment, leaving its imprint on it. This article presents a panoramic view of the influence of the Greek ascetic tradition on the Syriac spirituality, as exemplified by the teachings of Joseph Ḥazzāyā, a spiritual author of the 8th century, who is considered to be a systematizer of all Syriac spiritual and mystical experiences. The teaching of Ḥazzāyā was, without a doubt formed, on the basis of his own Syriac tradition, as well as under the influence of great spiritual authorities of other traditions: Evagrius of Pontus, Macarius of Egypt, and John of Apamea. From them, Joseph borrowed the key concepts of his doctrine, formulating it for the first time in the so-called three-stage synthesis of spiritual life, covering various elements that are analyzed in this article.
EN
The main question that the present paper tries to answer is as follows: since two discordant precepts concerning work were to be found in the New Testament, how did monks behave? One precept treated work as a duty, the other recommended not to care about one’s maintenance. The monks followed in their behaviour either the first or the second precept. As a result of disputes that took place in the fourth century the opinion prevailed that work was the better choice. It is important for us to find out when and under what circumstances that choice was done by the majority of the monastic movement in the East. It is also important to see what arguments were used by the monks of Late Antiquity in order to settle the conflict between the two discordant precepts. This conflict worried many and caused a renewal of a dispute that seemed to have been closed. Two ways of reasoning in favour of monastic work were generally used: monks might and should pray and work at the same time, satisfying both precepts; monks ought to work in order to be able to give alms, and this conferred to work a meaning that went beyond immediate usefulness. Praying and working at the same time was not always feasible in actual practice, but this did not bother authors of ascetic treatises.
PL
Artykuł zawiera analizę pozasakramentalnej praktyka wyjawiania myśli z posłuszeń-stwa mistrzowi w źródłach wczesnego monastycyzmu bizantyjskiego powstałych od świętego Bazylego Wielkiego do świętego Jana Klimaka. Artykuł ma charakter naukowy i powstał przy zastosowaniu metody teologiczno-prawnej. Przedmiotem wyjawiania myśli są namiętności sktalogowane przez Ewagriusza z Pontu. Praktyka została uregulowana w niektórych typikach monasterów bizantyjskich oraz w Regule świętego Benedykta.
EN
The article is an analysis of a non-sacramental practice of verbalizing thoughts out of obedience to a master in sources of early Byzantine monasticism from St. Basil the Great to St. John Climac. The article is of a scientific nature with the use of the theological and legal method. The passions cataloged by Evagrius of Pontus are the subject of verbalizing thoughts. This practice was regulated in some types of Byzantine monasteries and in the Rule of St. Benedict.
EN
This article is an attempt to analyse the Orthodox monastic tradition of contemplative (hesychastic) prayer, the goal of which was to achieve an ecstatic unification with God and the divinisation (theosis) of human nature. Until the 11th century the practice of this kind of prayer was passed on orally, preserving the spiritual father-disciple relation. However, some of its elements can be found in the writings of some of the Fathers of the Church – e.g. Athanasius of Alexandria, the Cappadocian Fathers – Basil the Great, Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzus – as well as in the works of Evagrius of Pontus and John Climacus. The continuation of this tradition includes the works of the leading Byzantine theologist of the 11th century St Symeon the New Theologian (949-1022). However, it was not until the 14th century, as a result of the dispute caused by the statements of the Byzantine monk Barlaam of Calabria, that there was a systematic approach to hesychasm in Byzantine writings. In response, St Gregory Palamas (1296-1359), based on the book of the fathers of the Church, systematically described the doctrine of hesychasm in three treatises (triads) entitled In Defence of the Holy Hesychasts, and written in the years 1338-1341. This doctrine, sometimes known as palamism after St Gregory Palamas, was recognised as an authentic expression of Orthodox faith at the council in Constantinople in 1351. The article analyses the most important elements of the hesychastic method and descriptions of the visions experienced during the practice of it.
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