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SOCIAL RECEPTION OF THE TREATY ESTABLISHING A CONSTITUTION FOR EUROPE IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY (Spoleczny odbiór Traktatu ustanawiajacego Konstytucje dla Europy w Republice Federalnej Niemiec)

100%
Maslak E.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2010
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issue 2(335)
160-173
EN
The debate that took place in the Federal Republic of Germany on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe deserves special attention on account of the social involvement it triggered. The Constitutional Treaty was discussed not only by politicians and journalists, but also in many academic circles. The issue at stake was whether constitutionalization was the right way of reforming the European Union and solving its institutional problems. The debate was accompanied by a growing public support for the Constitutional Treaty. While intellectuals discussed ways of overcoming the constitutional impasse, Germany, during it presidency of the Council of the European Union was actively engaged in finalizing reforms of the Treaty. Today the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe is already part of the history of European integration, but Germany's involvement in the process of treaty changes, accompanied by a broad public debate, show that Germans wish to be seen as a society actively building its European image.
2
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OPOZYCJA WEWNĄTRZPARTYJNA W SOCJALDEMOKRATYCZNEJ PARTII NIEMIEC W LATACH 1980–1982

100%
Świder M.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2016
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issue 1(14)
91-101 (11)
EN
At the beginning of the 1980s a very serious internal conflict within the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) appeared, which was played out on a few levels. The first one was the personal level, the second one was the program and ideology level. Both levels, especially in 1981 and in 1982 started to penetrate the strengthening the conflict and the signs of intra-party breakup, and revealing the views and actions of SPD party members, being in open opposition to the official policy of the social liberal government and the social democratic chancellor. Having entered opposition, the party adjusted the party program from above to the expectations of its members and its electorate, taking over a part of the intra-party opposition program (of the so-called left-wing of the party).
3
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Rząd RFN wobec idei integracji zachodnioeuropejskiego rolnictwa i budowy Wspólnej Polityki Rolnej w latach 1949–1969

100%
Janicki T.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2014
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issue 4(353)
197-218
EN
One of the most complex processes in the history of the EEC was to create an institutional and financial basis for Common Agricultural Policy. Advocated by France, the integration of European agriculture on the one hand was perceived in the FRG as a threat to the existence of hundreds of thousands of German farms, and on the other hand as a valuable bargaining chip for achieving fundamental objectives of its foreign policy in the 1950s and 60s, that is, to overcome international isolation and integrate politically and economically with the West. The article presents motives and decisions made by the FRG authorities with regard to the ideas of Western European integration of agriculture and the subsequent stages of the construction of the CAP in the years 1949-1969. Politicians of the CDU and the CSU responsible for managing agricultural affairs were slowing down the integration process of the agricultural market of the EEC acting under the pressure of a protectionist approach of the German Farmers' Association. Eventually however they were forced to agree to the creation of the CAP and its costly organizational and financing processes. West German agricultural policy was an integral part of general foreign policy and the consent to the creation of the CAP was the price that the FRG agreed to pay in exchange for the opportunity to implement their fundamental political and economic objectives, even though it limited possibilities of internal agricultural policy, was expensive for the budget and weakened the political influence of the CDU / CSU in the rural environment.
4
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Germany - Two Demographically Different States?

100%
Szymańska D., Środa-Murawska S., Biegańska J.
Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series
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2008
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vol. 10
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issue 10
85-92
EN
The paper is an attempt of an answer how belonging to different political, economical and cultural structures has influenced diverse population processes and structures and their spatial diversity. As an example to the research of these phenomena there was chosen Germany that until 1990 were two separated socio-political and economical formations (the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany FRG). This state, with a population number about 82 millions presently, as it turns out - besides passage of time - is characterized all the time by some diversity of procreation behaviors, population processes and structures in the Eastern (Ost) and the Western part (West) of Germany. It is claimed, the structures are going to some similarities, but the 15 years period (1990-2005) was too short to level all stated demographical differences and trends (1).
5
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Rząd RFN wobec idei integracji zachodnioeuropejskiego rolnictwa i budowy Wspólnej Polityki Rolnej w latach 1949–1969

100%
Janicki T.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2014
|
issue 4(353)
197-218
EN
One of the most complex processes in the history of the EEC was to create an institutional and financial basis for Common Agricultural Policy. Advocated by France, the integration of European agriculture on the one hand was perceived in the FRG as a threat to the existence of hundreds of thousands of German farms, and on the other hand as a valuable bargaining chip for achieving fundamental objectives of its foreign policy in the 1950s and 60s, that is, to overcome international isolation and integrate politically and economically with the West. The article presents motives and decisions made by the FRG authorities with regard to the ideas of Western European integration of agriculture and the subsequent stages of the construction of the CAP in the years 1949-1969. Politicians of the CDU and the CSU responsible for managing agricultural affairs were slowing down the integration process of the agricultural market of the EEC acting under the pressure of a protectionist approach of the German Farmers' Association. Eventually however they were forced to agree to the creation of the CAP and its costly organizational and financing processes. West German agricultural policy was an integral part of general foreign policy and the consent to the creation of the CAP was the price that the FRG agreed to pay in exchange for the opportunity to implement their fundamental political and economic objectives, even though it limited possibilities of internal agricultural policy, was expensive for the budget and weakened the political influence of the CDU / CSU in the rural environment.
6
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Ludwig Erhard jako „volební lokomotiva“. Spolkové hlasování v roce 1965 a několikery zemské volby v roce 1966 v kancléřské perspektivě

100%
Janoušek P.
Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century
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2016
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vol. 8
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issue 2
29-41
EN
The article describes several elections in which the German Chancellor Ludwig Erhard played an important role. While the vote of 1965 brought Erhard to the top of the political landscape, regional elections in the following year contributed to his downfall. Erhard had earned himself significant respect when he served as the Minister for Economics, and this stood him in good stead in the 1965 federal election, when he was labeled as the ‘electoral locomotive’. As the 1966 regional elections showed, however, the Erhard locomotive quickly lost its steam.
CS
Text popisuje několikery volby, ve kterých hrál důležitou roli spolkový kancléř Ludwig Erhard. Zatímco hlasování v roce 1965 vyneslo Erharda na vrchol moci, zemské volby v následujícím roce byly součástí procesu, který vedl až k Erhardovu pádu. Erhard si již jako ministr hospodářství vybudoval značný respekt. Ve volbách v roce 1965 z něj ještě těžil, když byl označován za „volební lokomotivu“, o rok později se však ukázalo, že tato „lokomotiva“ vykolejila.
7
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Powrót niemieckich jeńców wojennych z ZSRR na forum Bundestagu dwóch pierwszych kadencji (1949-1957)

88%
Bula M.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2021
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issue 1 (378)
115-136
EN
The history of German prisoners of war from World War II has long been a topic of historical and political discussion in the Federal Republic of Germany. After the establishment of the FRG in 1949, members of the first term of the Bundestag discussed the extremely topical issue which was: bringing German prisoners of war from the USSR to West Germany ten years after the start of World War II. The aim of this paper is to determine how the above mentioned politicians dealt with the problem of POWs on the basis of an analysis of the plenary protocols of the Bundestag (Plenarprotokolle) and printed documents (Drucksachen) produced during the first two terms of the German parliament: 1949–1953 and 1953–1957. Historical research methods were used in the study, including the inductive-descriptive method and the method of analyzing the contents of documents according to Ole Holsti's questionnaire in order to determine which politicians in the Bundestag spoke most often, how they spoke about the issue of aiding prisoners of war, in what context, and what their statements resulted in. The analysis shows that German politicians were eager to propose new laws or amendments to the existing ones in order to identify and support prisoners of war already in the country or still detained abroad. The case of the prisoners of war was an especially high profile issue at the turn of 1955 and 1956, when the largest wave of returns took place, thanks to the actions of the German Chancellor, who went to Moscow for this purpose. The resolution of this issue in 1955 became the basis of Chancellor K. Adenauer's political success.
8
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Sport a polityka. Olimpijskie medale sportowców niemieckich (1896-2012)

75%
Andrzejewski M.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2013
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issue 2(347)
233-248
EN
German athletes came first in the medal tally of the Summer Olympic Games only once, in 1936 in Berlin. However, the team of the FRG, GDR or Germany came first in the medal tally of the Winter Games five times. In the all-time tally German athletes hold the third position, overtaken only by teams from the USA and Russia (USSR). This shows that for over a century Germany has played a leading role in the Olympic Games and is a sport power.
9
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Floty niemieckie w XX stuleciu. Od Kaiserliche Marine do Deutsche Marine

75%
Kochnowski R.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2015
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issue 4(357)
207-228
EN
The article presents the development of German States’ fleets in the 20thcentury. It shows their evolution overthe last one hundred years. The author focuses on the evolution of the place and role of the German Fleet from the Imperial Navy up to the contemporary Deutsche Marine, which concentrates on performing the tasks of joint forces within NATO. It also shows GDR and FRG fleets during the division of Germany. Contemporary German fleet and the FRG’s armed forces in general are rather modest compared to the economic capacities of today’s Germany. This situation coincides with an atmosphere of increasing pacifism that permeates the German society.
10
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Na temat Drittwirkung w Niemczech. Odpowiedź na polemikę Bartosza Skwary

75%
Wróblewska I.
Przegląd Sejmowy
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2018
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issue 5(148)
117–127
EN
The article is a reply to polemic comments from Bartosz Skwara (“Sejm Review” 2017, no. 1) to my article Horyzontalne działanie praw podstawowych w Niemczech, [w:] Oddziaływanie współczesnych konstytucji na stosunki między podmiotami prywatnymi, red. M. Florczak-Wątor, Krakow 2015 [Horizontal effects of fundamental laws in Germany, in: The impact of modern constitutions on legal relationships between private entities, ed. M. Florczak-Wątor, Krakow 2015]. As stressed in the article and in accordance with the objective of the book, my interest lay in the analysis of applying the Drittwirkung concept in the constitutional jurisprudence of the FRG; it was not my goal to thoroughly discuss approaches to the issue of horizontality of human rights as presented in the German dogmatic theory. This stems from the fact that courts tribunals ultimately set the standard for the protection of rights of an individual, both in vertical and horizontal relations. The article presents arguments disproving the thesis proposed by the author of the polemic that in the FRG there dominates the direct version of Drittwirkung. It is unfound both as regards the German jurisprudence and the doctrine of law.
11
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Filmowiec nie może działać wyłącznie lokalnie. Z Krzysztofem Zanussim o współpracy z kinematografią niemiecką rozmawia Ewa Ciszewska

75%
Zanussi K., Ciszewska E.
Images. The International Journal of European Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication
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2018
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vol. 23
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issue 32
EN
The paper presents an interview with Krzysztof Zanussi (born 17 June 1939), one of the most renowned award-winning Polish film directors. Some of his numerous films for television and cinema have been made in co-operation with German producers, including Manfred Durniok. His film Roads in the Night (Wege in der Nacht, 1979) was presented in 1980 in Cannes as part of the section “Un certain regard”. In Germany, Zanussi filmed not only some of his own screenplays, such as Imperative (Imperativ, 1982 – Special Jury Prize at the Venice International Film Festival in 1982), but also adaptations of Polish and German literature, for example House of Women (Haus der Frauen, 1977) based on a play by Zofia Nałkowska and Bluebeard (Blaubart, 1983) based on a novel by Max Frisch. In addition to those productions, he concurrently made films in Poland. Director of the TOR Film Studio since 1979. He produced films by such directors as Krzysztof Kieślowski and Agnieszka Holland. He currently works on a feature film entitled Ether.
12
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Ochrona środowiska w polityce zagranicznej RFN

75%
Wyligała H.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2013
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issue 2(347)
91-116
EN
The article provides an analysis of the circumstances conditioning environmental foreign policy (Umweltaußenpolitik), which is an important area of the diplomatic activity of the Federal Republic of Germany on the international arena and allows it to assume a leading role in the developmental processes underway in Europe in the 21st century. The first part explains the concept of Umweltaußenpolitik and outlines the context and methodological assumptions of the research. The research itself was done using the matrix proposed by P. Harris and J. Barkdull in 2002, which has so far rarely appeared in Polish literature of the subject of a country’s foreign policy. On this basis the second part of the article explains conditions characterizing the foreign policy of the FRG that determine the realization of this country’s interests in international environment protection. The indicated determinants help us to assess the ways and forms of Berlin’s anticipations of global ecological problems; they also serve as a background for presenting the strategies and tools employed by German diplomacy to secure its interests.
13
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Pozycja RFN i Polski w zakresie prac badawczych i rozwojowych na początku XXI wieku

75%
Kalka P.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2013
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issue 2(347)
117-130
EN
The article compares the position of the FRG and Poland regarding R&D at the beginning of the 21st century. The R&D level of a country essentially determines its economic growth, since research and development works – their scope and structure – are a crucial influence on technical progress. The FRG has a much stronger position in research and development works than Poland and German science develops more dynamically. The causes of this state of matters lie mainly in the FRG’s advantage in the intensity of research and development and a different structure of financing this field of activity.
14
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Między niechęcią a fascynacją. Problematyka niemiecka w publicystce i działalności politycznej Mieczysława F. Rakowskiego (1957-1977)

63%
Barabasz A.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2022
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issue 3 (384)
177-189
EN
The main aim of the article is to present the views of M. F. Rakowski on multidimensional German problem existing in the Polish People's Republic in the years 1945-1989. The author's intention is to present the evolution of the views of the long-time editor of the Polityka weekly on the German issue in the years 1957-1977. Based on the formulated research problem and the analysis of available sources, the following hypotheses can be formulated: - in the initial period of the development of the political career of M. F. Rakowski, his attitude to German issues was influenced by personal experiences, - at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s, M. F. Rakowski associated the rapid economic and political reconstruction of West Germany with Germany’s aggressive intentions to gain influence in Central and Eastern Europe and German efforts to revise the Yalta-Potsdam agreements, - after reaching the next levels of power in the party-state leadership of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL), M. F. Rakowski’s perspective of the assessment of Polish-West German relations underwent changes as evidenced by his activities. According to the author, M. F. Rakowski’s position on German issues evolved from reluctance to fascination. The article uses the historical method, analysis of sources and press content. The following methods also turned out to be useful: institutional and legal, comparative, behavioral and decision-making method.
15
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Johnson, Erhard a Vietnam K vyjednávání Američanů s Němci o podpoře ve vietnamské válce v letech 1963–1966

63%
Janoušek P.
Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century
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2015
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vol. 7
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issue 2
56-70
EN
The text describes the diplomatic communication about the Vietnam War between the United States and the Federal Republic between 1963 and 1966. Particular emphasis is put on the meetings conducted between the US president Lyndon Johnson and German Chancellor Ludwig Erhard. The difference in their strategy is that compared to Johnson, Erhard was during consultations more responsive. The Vietnam War considerably influenced the relations between these two states during this period. The US president who was under severe pressure from the American public was not only seeking an evidence of solidarity by European allies, but later also fulfilment of offset payments. In talks with Erhard, Johnson demonstrated his superiority, but given the breadth of the Vietnam trauma in American society, this was only a minor, partial success.
CS
Text popisuje diplomatickou komunikaci o vietnamské válce mezi Spojenými státy a Spolkovou republikou v letech 1963 až 1966. Zvláštní důraz klade na schůzky prezidenta Lyndona Johnsona a kancléře Ludwiga Erharda. Rozdíl v jejich strategii tkví v tom, že Erhard byl oproti Johnsonovi při jednáních vstřícnější. Vietnamský konflikt v daném období vztahy mezi oběma státy výrazně ovlivňoval. Americký prezident i pod tlakem veřejného mínění stál nejen o vyjádření solidarity evropských spojenců, ale později také o plnění tzv. offsetových plateb. V jednání s Erhardem Johnson demonstroval svou převahu, vzhledem k šíři vietnamského traumatu v americké společnosti šlo ale pouze o dílčí drobný úspěch.
16
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Układ między Polską Rzeczpospolitą Ludową a Republiką Federalną Niemiec o podstawach normalizacji ich wzajemnych stosunków z 1970 r. – refleksje na tle bońskiej polityki europejskiej i wschodniej

63%
Dubowski T.
Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica
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2020
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vol. 19
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issue 2
27-45
EN
The 50th anniversary of the Treaty between the People's Republic of Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany on the basis of the normalization of their mutual relations provides an opportunity to present a number of reflections, including remarks on the significance of this agreement for Bonn's foreign policy. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the relations and basic dependencies between Bonn's European policy (or, more broadly, the so-called Westbindung) and German eastern policy (Ostpolitik) and the Agreement as its element. The 1970 agreement has undoubtedly become one of the focal points in the process of changing, revising West German foreign policy at the turn of the 1960s and 1970s in its key dimensions. It has not only become a part of Germany's relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. It has also played a certain role and gained certain influence in the sphere of relations between the Bonn Republic and the countries of Western Europe and in the Euro-Atlantic context. Therefore, it seems that the presentation of a set of reflections devoted to this problem, especially in the light of the forthcoming anniversary of the PPR-FRG Agreement, is justified. The considerations below, in the light of the presented assumptions, include an indication of the central directions of West German foreign policy shaped after the end of the Second World War, a reconstruction of relations between Bonn's European policy and its Eastern policy, and an assessment of the Agreement itself and its significance from the perspective of Germany's position in European relations. The analyses were based mainly on (Polish and foreign) achievements of political, historical and legal sciences and relevant sources of law. At the same time, it should be noted that the presented considerations do not aspire to a comprehensive analysis of the signalized problem, but rather constitute a set of reflections devoted to its key mechanisms.
PL
Pięćdziesiąta rocznica podpisania Układu PRL-RFN o podstawach normalizacji ich wzajemnych stosunków stwarza okazję do prezentacji szeregu refleksji, w tym także dotyczących znaczenia tego porozumienia dla polityki zagranicznej Bonn. Celem artykułu pozostaje rekonstrukcja związków i podstawowych zależności między prowadzoną przez Bonn polityką europejską (czy szerzej – tzw. Westbindung) a polityką wschodnią RFN (Ostpolitik) oraz wskazanym Układem, jako jej elementem. Porozumienie z 1970 roku stało się bezsprzecznie jednym z centralnych punktów w procesie zmiany, rewizji zachodnioniemieckiej polityki zagranicznej na przełomie lat sześćdziesiątych i siedemdziesiątych XX wieku w jej kluczowych wymiarach. Wpisało się nie tylko w sferę relacji RFN z państwami Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Odegrało także pewną rolę i zyskało pewien wpływ na sferę relacji Republiki Bońskiej z państwami Europy Zachodniej a także w kontekście euroatlantyckim. Stąd wydaje się, iż prezentacja zbioru refleksji poświęconych wskazanemu problemowi, zwłaszcza w świetle zbliżającej się rocznicy podpisania Układu PRL-RFN, staje się zasadna. Rozważania, wobec przedstawionych założeń, obejmują wskazanie centralnych kierunków zachodnioniemieckiej polityki zagranicznej ukształtowanych po zakończeniu II wojny światowej, rekonstrukcję relacji między bońską polityką europejską a jej polityką wschodnią oraz ocenę samego Układu i jego znaczenia z perspektywy pozycji RFN w relacjach europejskich. Analizy oparto głównie na (polskim i zagranicznym) dorobku nauk politycznych, historycznych i prawnych oraz stosownych źródłach prawa. Zastrzec jednocześnie należy, iż przedstawione rozważania nie aspirują do całościowej analizy sygnalizowanego zagadnienia stanowiąc raczej zespół refleksji poświęconych kluczowym jego mechanizmom.
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