The aim of the article is to analyse the strategic goals of energy security of the Federal Republic of Germany in the context of foreign policy. The author hypothesizes that achieving the strategic goals of the energy policy of the Federal Republic of Germany depends on its energy partnerships. Therefore, the following research questions are considered: First, what are the goals of German foreign policy in the context of international power play? Second, what are the internal and external goals of energy policy of Germany? Third, what is the role of Germany’s strategic partnerships in the context of pursuing the goals of its energy security? The author also presents the structure of Germany’s energy balance to illustrate the importance of particular energy resources and the sources and directions of their supply. The answers to those questions will provide the context for strategic energy partnerships between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Russian Federation. Given the specificity of German policy, the author will apply the geo-economic approach. The system analysis method and the component method will also be used. Conclusions and potential scenarios will be based on the forecasting technique.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the system of legal protection of animals applicable in the Federal Republic of Germany. The separation of animal protection law results from the provisions of Article 20a of the Constitution, which makes animal protection a fundamental task of the State, along with the protection of environment. The paper discusses the object of protection, the aim and the sources of the law as well as the general principles and characteristics of animal protection laws. The object of protection are animals whose nervous system structure allows at least for the awareness of pain. The analysis of sources of law allows for the formulation of the following principles of animal protection law: the State's obligation to protect animals, consideration of moral values of animal welfare according to the needs of the species, prevention of suffering and protection of animals' living space by means of appropriate provisions in environmental laws, the primacy of human interests over animal protection, human responsibility for animals, the prohibition of unjustified infliction of pain, suffering or harm, prevention, the comprehensiveness of animal protection, taking into account species-related and individual differences in maintenance and handling of animals, higher levels of protection of vertebrate animals. The characteristics of animal protection laws include: a very wide area of regulation, in comparison with the systems of other fields of law, dynamism, protection of some animals maintained outside the territory of the European Union.
The objective of this article is to present a critical analysis of selected elements of Nazi legacy in the Federal Republic of Germany (Deutsche Bundesrepublik, BRD). The remnants of the Nazi system have been tolerated, and even sheltered by the authorities of West Germany in almost all aspects of life. A question arises, then, about the effectiveness of the denazification after the Second World War and about a change in mentality in German society, as it should be noted that some elements of Nazi legacy were abandoned only in the 21st century, and therefore the Federal Republic of Germany has not managed to fully make reparations to the victims of Nazism. This article also discusses the fact that in a post-totalitarian state it is extremely difficult to find ‘pristine’ biographies, considering the number of former members of NSDAP who filled important offices in the BRD.
The purpose of this study was to identify long-term trends in conventional participation in the Federal Republic of Germany. The time frame for the analysis covered the period between 1946 and 2016. Conventional participation was measured against two variables using regression analysis: the level of participation in elections and the level of membership in political parties. For both variables, statistically significant development trends were identified, which were mainly of a declining nature. The data employed concerned voter turnout in elections to the Bundestag and Landtags, and the development process of membership levels in six major political parties: CDU, SPD, CSU, FDP, Alliance 90/The Greens, and the Left/PDS.
The article concerns the importance of the Federal Republic of Germany in the foreign policy of the Slovak Republic. The analysis covered the period from the creation of the Slovak Republic (January 1, 1993) to the termination of Mikuláš Dzurinda's rule in 2002. The role of Germany in the foreign policy of Slovakia during the rule of Vladimír Mečiar, Jozef Moravčik and Mikulaš Dzurinda was presented. The following hypotheses were assumed: taking into account bilateral relations, in the years 1993–2002 the Slovak Republic had the worst relations with the Republic of Hungary and Ukraine, while it is difficult to find any negative factors that would affect relations with the Federal Republic of Germany, outside the period of V. Mečiar's rule, when human rights were abused. Secondly, Germany, due to its position in the European Union, played an important, though not decisive role in the process of Slovakia's accession to this organization. A comparative method was used to verify the hypotheses. The policies of particular governments in Bratislava towards Germany were compared. The method of decision analysis was also employed, which allowed for the presentation of situations and processes that are the culmination of decisions taken by representatives of the Slovak authorities. The institutional and legal method allowed to analyze legal acts and multilateral and bilateral agreements to which the Slovak Republic was a party.
Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s engagement in the post-war process of setting-up of international cooperation in Europe is doubtless. Yet, it is not clear, what was the main factor which made the chancellor take the European path. The paper comprises an analysis of terms, which decided the political course of Adenauer’s Germany. What should be reckoned among them is: critical situation of Europe, factual elimination of German statehood, exceptional position od extra-European powers (USA as an ally and USSR as the main threat) and Franco-German relations, which required a complete redefi nition. The main thesis reads that European orientation perfectly served the purposes of German interests in the post war epoch, while the chancellor was fully aware of that. In the conclusion the author tends to answer a question, if it is possible to trace some aspects of idealism in Adenauer’s views and actions, despite his incontestable political realism.
Gaining social mobility: Polish migrants in Berlin, 1980-2016Social mobility can be both horizontal and vertical. The latter is characterised by movement from a lower social class to a higher one, and with it a change in social status. Upward social mobility appears in different guises; it can pertain to education, occupation, cultural capital, income etc. Until recently, the phenomenon of upward social mobility concerned a small number of emigrant Poles, with “migrants of success” composing only a small minority of a much larger number of Polish migrants in previous years. The accession of Poland to the European Union in 2004, and then to Schengen Zone in 2007, opened new opportunities. This article (based on my ethnological fieldwork) presents different ways that Poles who emigrated to Berlin between 1980 and 2016 managed to enact upward social mobility and the changing characteristics of this migration pattern. Zdobywanie mobilności społecznej: migranci z Polski w Berlinie w latach 1980-2016Awans jest jednym z dwóch rodzajów ruchliwości społecznej pionowej, przejściem z niższej warstwy społecznej do wyższej, powiązanym ze zmianą statusu. Następuje różnymi drogami, wiąże się z wykształceniem, wykonywanym zawodem, prestiżem, dochodami, itd. Jeszcze do niedawna zjawisko to rzadko dotyczyło Polaków udających się na emigrację, „migrantów sukcesu” było niewielu. Nowe możliwości otworzyło przystąpienie Polski do Unii Europejskiej (w 2004 r.), a następnie wejście do strefy Schengen (w 2007 r.). Artykuł (oparty o własne badania jakościowe) przedstawia drogi do awansu społecznego migrantów z lat 1980-2016, na tle zmieniających się uwarunkowań.
The article seeks to answer the questions concerning the possibility of identifying regular patterns within internal migration in the towns and rural areas of the Federal Republic of Germany as well as factors contributing to regional variations in the process. The research involves 439 German counties (Kreise) and compares data on internal migration in the country in the years 1991 and 2005, i.e. from its reunification until the year 2005. The 15-year period of functioning of one reunited state has been assumed sufficient for capturing some regularities and trends.
The objective of the paper is analysis of the phenomenon of settling scores with the West German generation of ‘68 based on selected literary, (auto)biographical and essayistic texts of the authors belonging to the generation of their children, so called generation of ‘85. The article also aims to examine the process of building generational identity. The main fields of settling scores are: new concepts of family, anti-authoritarian education, sexual revolution, ideology, the past and politics. Apart from mostly negative there are also some ambiguous and ambivalent evaluations in which the generation of ‘68 is not only criticized, but also admired and envied. Text analysis shows the multidimensionality of the problem of settling scores with the generation of ‘68 and leads to the conclusion that through confrontation with the generation of their parents, the authors of the generation of ‘85 try to determine their own value system and to create their own generational identity. With its strong identity, the generation of ‘68 is a contrast plane for the generation of ‘85 that allows their self-definition. The research perspective presented in this paper refers to the field of generational research (Generationenforschung) and is based on the methods of close reading, which focuses on the immanent text analysis and wide reading, which is oriented towards analysis of the historical and cultural aspects represented in the texts.
The paper explores the growing importance of Latin-American countries in the policies of the Federal Republic of Germany. The extent of their collaboration was defined, among others, in the policy documents developed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and adopted by the German government in 2010. The Foreign Office identified therein the priority cooperation areas, including economic collaboration with the region’s countries, development policy and environment protection policy. Attention was also given to collaboration in security issues, social welfare, education and culture. Assessing the tenets and practices of Germany’s political and economic involvements, we should conclude that, early into the second decade of the 21st century, Latin-American countries were recognised as an important economic and, to a lesser extent, political partner of the Federal Republic of Germany.
PL
W artykule omówiono rosnącą rolę państw Ameryki Łacińskiej w polityce Republiki Federalnej Niemiec. Zakres tej współpracy określa, między innymi, opracowany przez MSZ, program działań przyjęty przez rząd niemiecki w 2010 roku. Urząd Spraw Zagranicznych określił w nim dominujące obszary współpracy, za które uznano kooperację gospodarczą z państwami regionu, politykę rozwojową i politykę ochrony środowiska, a także kwestię współpracy w sferze bezpieczeństwa oraz spraw społecznych, edukacji i kultury. Oceniając zarówno założenia, jak i sposób prowadzenia przez RFN aktywności polityczno-gospodarczej, uznać należy, że państwa Ameryki Łacińskiej na początku drugiej dekady XXI wieku uznane zostały za ważnego partnera gospodarczego i – nieco w mniejszym stopniu – partnera politycznego Republiki Federalnej Niemiec.
The Federal Republic of Germany is, without doubt, a regional power. However, in its policies for the Baltic sub-region it has for years opted not to use its status to achieve strategic goals on its own. Rather, Germany has skilfully integrated its national interests into the pursuits of regional organisations and the European Union as such. This principle is still vital in shaping the German Baltic policy, but at the same time the Federal Republic tends to increasingly rely on a poly-strategic instrumental apparatus in its policies for the Baltic region. Distinct and crucial to them is engagement in close cooperation with the Russian Federation, which is, however, restricted to organising the freight traffic system and ensuring the security and continuity of energy resources supply from Russia.
PL
Republika Federalna Niemiec jest mocarstwem regionalnym, które w swojej koncepcji oddziaływania w subregionie bałtyckim przez lata nie wykorzystywało posiadanego statusu do samodzielnego osiągania celów strategicznych. Niemcy swoje interesy narodowe umiejętnie wkomponowywali w poszczególne działania organizacji regionalnych oraz samej Unii Europejskiej. Ta zasada nadal w sposób istotny wpływa na kształt niemieckiej polityki bałtyckiej, ale w coraz większym stopniu Republika Federalna w polityce bałtyckiej wykorzystuje instrumentarium polistrategiczne. Najważniejszą cechą tej polityki jest podjęcie ścisłej współpracy z Federacją Rosyjską, ale przy jej równoczesnym ograniczeniu do kwestii organizacji systemu przewozów towarowych i zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa oraz stałości dostaw surowców energetycznych z Rosji.
The Communist security apparatus took a special interest in uncovering the Polish Guard Companies of the US Army. In addition to obtaining general information on the organisational structure of these units and their location, attention was drawn to the need to establish the identities of those serving in them (including officers and non-commissioned officers), who might have carried out intelligence activities against the Polish People’s Republic. This had to be achieved with the help of the relatives of the soldiers of the guard companies who were in the country, repatriates and ‘fugitives’ who had decided to return to the country. An important aspect of the uncovering of the Polish Guard Companies was the use of secret collaborators outside the borders of the Polish People’s Republic. In addition, relatives and friends of former guards were to be subject to operational control. The aim of this article was to present a case study illustrating the maintenance by the structures of the Ministry of the Interior of the Polish People’s Republic, between 1959 and 1968, of contact with a secret collaborator operating in Germany, Stanisław Sumlet, a non-commissioned officer in the Polish Guard Companies of the US Army.
PL
Komunistyczny aparat bezpieczeństwa interesował się w sposób szczególny rozpracowaniem Polskich Kompanii Wartowniczych przy armii amerykańskiej. Oprócz pozyskiwania ogólnych informacji na temat struktury organizacyjnej tych jednostek i ich rozlokowania zwracano uwagę na konieczność ustalenia personaliów osób w nich służących (m.in. oficerów i podoficerów), którzy mogli prowadzić działalność wywiadowczą przeciwko PRL. Należało to osiągnąć przy pomocy przebywających w kraju krewnych żołnierzy kompanii wartowniczych, repatriantów oraz „uciekinierów”, którzy zdecydowali się na powrót do kraju. Ważnym aspektem rozpracowania Polskich Kompanii Wartowniczych było posługiwanie się tajnymi współpracownikami poza granicami PRL. Kontroli operacyjnej mieli nadto podlegać krewni i znajomi byłych wartowników. Celem niniejszego artykułu było przedstawienie studium przypadku ilustrującego utrzymywanie przez struktury Ministerstwa Spraw Wewnętrznych PRL w latach 1959–1968 kontaktu z tajnym współpracownikiem działającym w RFN – podoficerem Polskich Kompanii Wartowniczych przy armii amerykańskiej Stanisławem Sumletem.
The latest developments of the higher education reform in Germany are analyzed in this paper. For this purpose, some historical milestones are described before presenting a brief historical outline the implementation of the Bologna model from 1999 to 2010. Some difficulties and challenges for implementing the Bologna model are placed at the financial and at the political level. They are related both with the organization and governance of higher education and with the differentiation of the system. Another set of controversial issues concerns the very meaning of higher education in a country with a Iow fertility rate and a severe shortage of highly qualified manpower. Is today and tomorrow’s higher education supposed to be a highly structured and more intellectual form of vocational education, or can the traditional, Humboldtian way of conceiving higher education (search for knowledge for its own sake) be compatible with the Bologna model? These questions are examined critically in the paper.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony reformie szkolnictwa wyższego w Republice Federalnej Niemiec. Autorka opisuje najważniejsze wydarzenia oraz przedstawia rys historyczny wprowadzania modelu bolońskiego w latach 1999-2010. Problemy i kontrowersje związane z wprowadzaniem tego modelu mają charakter finansowy, polityczny i społeczny (organizacja szkolnictwa wyższego i zarządzanie uczelniami oraz zrożnicowanie systemu szkolnictwa w niemieckich krajach związkowych, niski przyrost naturalny, brak wysoko wykwalifikowanej siły roboczej). Autorka podejmuje probę odpowiedzi na pytanie o przyszły model szkolnictwa wyższego (czy będzie to wysoko zorganizowana i bardziej „intelektualna” forma edukacji zawodowej) oraz czy humboldtowskie postrzeganie uniwersytetu - poszukiwanie wiedzy dla niej samej - można pogodzić z modelem bolońskim.
The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the socio-political discourse of the Federal Republic of Germany concerning the countries of the “New Eastern Europe”, which turned out to be beyond the borders of the enlarged European Union in 2004–2017. The term “New Eastern Europe” is used in relation to the Republic of Belarus, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine taking into account the differentiation between the political and geographical understanding of the concept of the “Eastern Partnership”. Taking into account the level of internal democratic transformations and the level of rapprochement to the European Union, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova are at different stages. Russian hybrid aggression has negative affect on the process of European integration of Ukraine. Territorial problems with Transnistria will also prevent Moldova from the full membership in the European Union in the near future. Instead, Belarus managed to improve political relations with the European Union, and offer Minsk as a place for diplomatic efforts to resolve the Donbas conflict. The conclusions indicate that the events of 2013–2017 have shown the fallacy of the inertial foreign policy strategy of the Federal Republic of Germany in the East European direction, and also demonstrated a lack of fundamental knowledge about the East European region in Germany. No single federal government has been able to develop a clear program of interaction with the Eastern European powers. The European Neighbourhood Policy, and soon the EU’s Eastern Partnership program, supported by the Federal Republic of Germany, included an in-depth dialogue between EU institutions and the countries of the “New Eastern Europe” without guarantees of their membership in the community. This aspect has complicated the adaptation of the “Eastern Partnership” to the current situation created by the Russian hybrid aggression against Ukraine.
The turn of the millennium brought an increased interest in issues of multiculturalism, which became a focal point for debates about culture, especially in liberal democracies. The question is particularly important in that most people today live in heterocultural societies. The authors thus do not approach multiculturalism as the simple coexistence in society of members of various ethnic groups but rather as a theoretical basis for the scholarly analysis of the state and of society, which implement policies in regard to internal cultural (ethnic) diversity. Multiculturalism thus defines a social space in which people who adhere to different axiological, normative, religious or moral systems, and who are aware of these differences, live together. At the same time, state policy aims to include all of them in a social order which is being modified under the influence of cultural diversity. Multiculturalism can be presented on the one hand as an idea that is not apprehended directly but is known through concepts, and on the other hand, as an entity identified by the senses. The authors illustrate the transition from an idea to a state policy in regard to a multitude of ethnic cultures by reference to Australia and the Federal Republic of Germany.
It is not surprising that subsidiarity is very often discussed with autonomy and federation (equally multidimensional concepts, similarly discussed in science). It is clearly evident taking into account, for example, results of analysis of the key words (tags) in scientific publications. The European Union has significantly contributed in popularizing of the concept so it is no surprise that strongly linked with EU's problems has become a central point of the discussion of its organizational structure and internal relationships between forming elements. It is difficult to imagine analysis of the conditions for implementing of subsidiarity in Germany without prior presentation of the state political system's solutions. Studying the structure and functioning of public administration enables to identify the place and role of the local government, to measure degree of independence of the local authority as a central point of discussion in relation to the subsidiarity.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie krytycznej analizy wybranych pozostałości nazizmu w Republice Federalnej Niemiec (RFN). Pozostałości nazistowskiego systemu przez lata były tolerowane, a nawet chronione przez aparat państwowy RFN w niemal wszystkich dziedzinach życia. Zachodzi zatem pytanie o skuteczność przeprowadzonej po II wojnie światowej denazyfikacji i zmiany mentalności znacznej części niemieckiego społeczeństwa. Należy bowiem zauważyć, że z niektórymi pozostałościami hitlerowskiego systemu Republika Federalna Niemiec pożegnała się dopiero w XXI wieku i tym samym nie zdołała do chwili obecnej zadośćuczynić wszystkim jego ofiarom. Autorzy ukażą również fakt, że w posttotalitarnym państwie bardzo trudno jest znaleźć tak zwane „nieskazitelne życiorysy” biorąc pod uwagę ilość byłych członków NSDAP, którzy przez lata sprawowali wysokie urzędy w RFN.
EN
The aim of this article is to present a critical analysis of selected remnants of Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). For years, the remains of the Nazi system have been tolerated and even protected by the German state apparatus in almost all areas of life. This raises the question of the effectiveness of the post-World War II denazification and mentality of a large part of German society. It should be noted that with certain residues The Federal Republic of Germany did not bid farewell to the Nazi system until the 21st century and thus has not been able to compensate all its victims to this day. The authors will also show the fact that it is very difficult to find so-called “impeccable CVs” in a post-totalitarian country, taking into account the number of former NSDAP members who have held high offices in Germany for years.
Design and implementation of tasks PRL religious policy required many specific actions and supporting the work of the Office for Religious Affairs, the security apparatus and specialized agencies of the PZPR. ~e article discusses the work of the Passport Office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, as an institution supporting centers of power system operations. Presented source material relates to the observation of behavior West “religious tourists” coming to Polish in the mid-70s of the last century. Conclusions formulated by the Passport Office led to increased surveillance Polish religious organizations and individuals representing them if there were any signs of their interaction with the citizens of Germany. ~ey also led to a negative perception of the People’s Republic of total foreign makers of religious organizations. In these circumstances, lasting ended a period of nearly 20 years of government policy to support the expansion of Polish actors confessional contacts with their foreign partners.
Celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie uwarunkowań mających wpływ na zainteresowanie rozmieszczeniem baz wojskowych USA w Polsce przez rządy obu tych państw. Autor koncentruje swoją analizę na polityce wewnętrznej rządu polskiego oraz przyczynach zaangażowania w realizację tego typu projektów podawanych przez administracje USA. Istotne w artykule jest również wykazanie napięć na tym tle, występujących w stosunkach bilateralnych między Polską a Republiką Federalną Niemiec. Rozważania dotyczą okresu sprawowania urzędu prezydenta w USA przez Baracka Obamę i Donalda Trumpa. Jest to zabieg zasadny z uwagi na ich odmienne stanowiska w przedmiotowej kwestii. Autor oparł analizę na dostępnych dokumentach, publikacjach naukowych i publicystycznych, komunikatach rządowych, umowach międzynarodowych i artykułach naukowych.
EN
The aim of the article is to explain the conditions influencing the interest in the deployment of US military bases in Poland by the government offices of both countries. The author focuses his analysis on the internal policy of the Polish government and the reasons for involvement in the implementation of this type of projects announced by the US administration. It is also important in the article to show the tensions in this context that occur in bilateral relations between Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany. The considerations concern the period during which Barack Obama and Donald Trump were in office in the US. This is a legitimate procedure due to their different positions on the issue in question. The author based the analysis on available documents, scientific and journalistic publications, government communications, international agreements and scientific articles.
This article presents an analysis of development trends in German economy after 1990, that is after the date of the German reunification. The analysis demonstrates that the growth of the German economy of that time was predominantly dependent on export production, cutting-edge-technology-based industry and investment, while consumption factors were of minor importance to the general picture. German economy of the time was strictly bound with world economy, showing considerable sensitivity to market fluctuations. This is why the Germans were interested in promoting open markets, thanks to which they could reach large export trade surplus. German economy after 1990 was marked with a definite reduction of the average rate of economic growth. Owing to that, today it is no longer the third, but the fourth-largest economy by nominal GDP in the world.
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