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EN
The protagonist of the article is Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola (1917–1978) — philosopher of law and politics, theorist of natural law, professor of Universities of Salamanca, Seville and Madrid, one of the most distinguished exponents of 20th-century Spanish traditionalism, associated with the legitimist monarchist movement known as Carlism (named after Don Carlos de Borbón). The author of the article focuses on the thinker’s attitude to the theory and practice of Francoist dictatorship, aperiod coinciding with the philosopher’s almost entire creative life. That attitude evolved considerably, aprocess in which three stages can be distinguished. In the first and shortest stage, between 1939 and 1941, Elías de Tejada was an enthusiast of the national-syndicalist state and theorist of the caudillaje system of power. In the second stage (1941–1955), starting from a distinction between dictatorship and caudillaje, now equated only with rightful and traditional monarchy, he became aradical and intransigent opponent of General Franco’s personal dictatorship, calling it scornfully “Caudiland” and seeing the authoritarian regime as one of the forms of political modernism and totalitarianism, contrary to the Spanish and Catholic tradition. In the third stage (from 1955 to Franco’s death), while not changing his critical opinion of the regime and its leader, he tended to pursue a“possibilistic cultural policy” within the regime, promoting traditionalistic values and assuming that the dictatorship could evolve into atraditional monarchy.
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EN
Francoist Spain was not recognised by the Communist Bloc countries due to its support of the communities of political exiles. In 1969 a thaw in relations began at an economic level in search of markets for Spanish development. The timid contact would gradually increase and favour relationships away from political ideology, beneficial in economic terms, and this would prepare the basis of full future recognition, with the exchange of ambassadors in 1977.
EN
The post-war period was a difficult time for Spain because of its international isolation. The need to improve its image and to be admitted to the UN lead to the instrumentalisation of culture as a parallel diplomacy that allowed to establish the necessary relationships. ICH, BFHI, CEDI and OCAU activities helped form groups favourable to Spain, from which it benefited with restoring diplomatic presence. Pragmatism and the absence of politicisation of international relations of Spain in Hispanic-American and Arab areas are consequences of the work of “cultural ambassadors”. Okres powojenny był dla Hiszpanii trudny z uwagi na jej izolację na arenie międzynarodowej. Potrzeba poprawy wizerunku i pragnienie przyjęcia do ONZ doprowadziła do instrumentalizacji kultury jako równoległego narzędzia dyplomacji, które umożliwiło nawiązanie oczekiwanych relacji zewnętrznych. Działania ICH, BFHI, CEDI i OCAU doprowadziły do stworzenia grup nacisku przychylnych Hiszpanii, dzięki którym udało się przywrócić stosunki dyplomatyczne. Pragmatyzm i brak upolitycznienia stosunków międzynarodowych Hiszpanii w obszarach latynoamerykańskim i arabskim są konsekwencją zaangażowania „ambasadorów kultury”.
Afryka
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2018
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issue 47
51-70
EN
The decolonisation process of Equatorial Guinea had a unique character. It proceeded gradually and peacefully, which gave hope that the Guinean political elites were well-prepared to assume power. The article analyses changes in the political status of Spanish sub-Saharan territories and compares the concepts of the Guinean political system presented by African political activists with projects prepared by the government in Madrid. The author draws attention to the political diversity of ethnic and social groups in Equatorial Guinea, the actions undertaken by the African political parties, various standpoints of the Spanish ministries and the international position of Spain.
EN
The fictionalisation of the Spanish Civil War and Francoism in the Galician novel has experienced a significant evolution from a thematic and formal point of view. This evolution has been greatly influenced by the memory boom since the beginning of the 21st century, both in Galicia and the rest of Spain. Therefore, exploring the contemporary Galician narrative corpus requires an interdisciplinary approach to address not only the literary representations of history and memory, but also the functions acquired by those narratives in connection with the context as well as the cultural memory of the Galician people. This paper focuses on the relationship between memory and orality in some of these texts in order to analyse how oral memory emerges in the novel as a form of persistence of the past in current times. This oral memory becomes a key element in many of these narratives and faces a deliberate collective amnesia and the reluctance to remember, acting as a space for resistance that connects the past and present in the texts.
PL
War on Memorials in Catalonia. What to Do with Commemoration of the Battle of the Ebro The article discusses the conflicts taking place in public life over interpretation of the significance of places of national memory. The author presents them on the example of the dispute that arose in Spain over a memorial in the Catalan city of Tortosa. It commemorates the Battle of the Ebro, the military operation of the largest scale and consequences during the Spanish Civil War. The opponents of the memorial consider it as a testimony to the victory of Francoism and an unsightly and disgraceful element in the urban tissue. They appeal for its liquidation, while those arguing for its preservation and reinterpretation of the symbolic meaning treat it as an architecturally valuable distinguishing feature of the city. The fate of the controversial memorial does not rest solely in the hands of local authorities, but it has become a subject of political disagreement, disputes among residents and non-governmental activities. They are taking place against a background of the current legal basis of historical memory (Law 52/2007 of 26 December), which was developed by the political Left to compensate for the harm done to the victims of the Civil War and the Francoist dictatorship, and to implement changes in public space in connection with the traces of Francoism. However, its content leaves quite a big decision-making margin to the public authorities as to removing the traces of the regime from reinterpretation.
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2015
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vol. XII
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issue (2/2015)
419-428
XX
A look at the family portrait in Francoist Spain provides valuable information concerning the Spanish upbringing style and its relationship with the state ideology. A regime of Estado Nuevo (1939–1975) evolved from German and Italian fascism models to national-catholic autoritharianism, and marked all spheres of political, economic and social life. The dominant patriarchal family model, a woman’s role limited to household duties and her spouse’s will, or aggressively promoted by the authorities role models defined for many decades not only the Spanish upbringing style, but also the shape of relationships between family members. The values and norms passed to the youngest had to match the governmental reality, and due to this control, at the stage of primary socialization young people became recipients of propaganda content. From that moment it was constantly present at every stage of education and professional life of the Spanish nation. As it was in other totalitarian countries, in Spain film was used as a propaganda tool. With the growing interest and availability of this entertainment form, cinema has become a perfect and effective communication and agitation medium. A domestic production was subjected to full control because of the compatibility of the presented content with current ideology, and censorship took care to save the Spanish audience from Western patterns of “depravity and extravagance”. With this background, analysis of the motive of family in selected Spanish films from the Francoist period allows observation of a political involvement of the family and educational processes and phenomena.
PL
Spojrzenie na filmowy obraz rodziny we frankistowskiej Hiszpanii dostarcza wielu cennych informacji dotyczących hiszpańskiego stylu wychowania i jego związków z państwową ideologią. Ustrój Nowego Państwa (1939–1975) ewoluował od niemieckich i włoskich wzorców faszyzmu do narodowo-katolickiego autorytaryzmu, odciskając swoje piętno na wszystkich dziedzinach życia politycznego, gospodarczego i społecznego. Dominujący patriarchalny model rodziny, ograniczanie społecznej roli kobiety do wypełniania obowiązków domowych i woli małżonka czy agresywnie promowane przez władzę wzory osobowe zdefiniowały na wiele dekad nie tylko hiszpański styl wychowania, ale i kształt relacji między członkami rodziny. Przekazywane najmłodszym wartości i normy musiały odpowiadać wizji rzeczywistości regulowanej przez system, wskutek czego, już na etapie socjalizacji pierwotnej, młodzi ludzie stawali się odbiorcami propagandowych treści. Od tego momentu były one stale obecne na każdym etapie edukacji i w życiu zawodowym Hiszpanów. Tak jak w innych krajach totalitarnych, także w Hiszpanii film został wykorzystany jako narzędzie propagandy. Dzięki rosnącemu zainteresowaniu i dostępności do tej formy rozrywki, kino stało się idealnym i skutecznym środkiem komunikacji i agitacji. Krajowe produkcje podlegały pełnej kontroli w kwestii zgodności prezentowanych treści z obowiązującą ideologią, a cenzura dbała o to, aby zachodnie wzorce „zepsucia i ekstrawagancji” nie pojawiały się na krajowych ekranach. Na tym tle analiza wybranych hiszpańskich produkcji okresu frankizmu pod kątem pojawiających się w nich wątków rodziny umożliwia zaobserwowanie politycznego uwikłania rodziny oraz procesów i zjawisk wychowawczych.
EN
Francoist Spain was not recognised by the Communist Bloc countries due to its support of the communities of political exiles. In 1969 a thaw in relations began at an economic level in search of markets for Spanish development. The timid contact would gradually increase and favour relationships away from political ideology, beneficial in economic terms, and this would prepare the basis of full future recognition, with the exchange of ambassadors in 1977.
PL
Państwa Bloku Wschodniego nie utrzymywały stosunków z Państwem Hiszpańskim (dyktatura Francisco Franco) ze względu na wsparcie udzielane przez nie emigrantom politycznym. W 1969 r. zaczęła się odwilż w relacjach gospodarczych, związana z poszukiwaniem przez Hiszpanię nowych rynków. Nieśmiałe kontakty z czasem rozwinęły się, sprzyjając kontaktom, które, niezależnie od różnic ideologicznych, przynosiły korzyści wymiarze ekonomicznym. W ten sposób utorowano drogę do pełnego uznania i wymiany ambasadorów w 1977 r.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza wizji i interpretacji epoki frankistowskiej przez Adolfo Marsillacha w jego autobiografii Tan lejos, tan cerca. Mi vida (Tusquets, 1998). Chociaż jego opus magnum stanowi przede wszystkim panoramiczną kronikę hiszpańskiego teatru w drugiej połowie XX wieku, dostarcza również interesujących informacji na temat wielu aspektów życia politycznego i społecznego w czasach reżimu, widzianych z perspektywy jednego z najważniejszych współczesnych artystów hiszpańskich będącego w ciągłej opozycji wobec dyktatury. Dlatego istotne jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób ten intelektualista, który przez całe swoje życie starał się pozostać wierny zasadom demokracji, wolności tworzenia i wolności dla każdego obywatela, przedstawia cztery dekady rządów gen. Franco, poczynając od swego trudnego dzieciństwa w Barcelonie podczas Wojny Domowej, aż do ostatnich dni zniedołężniałego Generalissimusa, w którym to strach miesza się z nadzieją na przyszłość. Niniejszy tekst koncentruje się na najbardziej spornych osobliwościach systemu frankistowskiego, takich jak cenzura rządowa, ideologiczny przymus wobec artystów, wszechobecna dewocja i narzucona przyzwoitość, przedstawionych z odrobiną ironii przez Adolfo Marsillacha, którego twórczość artystyczna poświęcona była walce z nimi.
EN
The aim of the present study is to analyze Adolfo Marsillach’s vision and interpretation of the Francoist epoch in his autobiography Tan lejos, tan cerca. Mi vida (Tusquets, 1998). Though being a panoramic chronicle of the Spanish theatre in the second half of the twentieth century, this opus magnum also provides interesting details on many aspects of the political and social life under the regime, observed by one of the most significant contemporary Spanish artists in permanent opposition to the dictatorship. Therefore, it seems crucial to investigate how this intellectual, who throughout his life struggled to remain faithful to the principles of democracy, liberty of creation and freedom to every citizen, depicts four decades of Franco’s government, beginning with his difficult childhood in Barcelona during the Civil War until the last days of the senile Generalísimo, in which fear mixed with hope for the future. Our study concentrates on the most disputed peculiarities of the Francoist system, such as the governmental censorship, ideological coercion on artists, omnipresent sanctimoniousness and imposed decency, viewed with a spoonful of irony by Adolfo Marsillach, who devoted his artistic creation to fight against them.
Tematy i Konteksty
|
2019
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vol. 14
|
issue 9
372-390
EN
The paper aims to juxtapose the literary portrayals of the socialist Warsaw and Francoist Madrid depicted in two postwar novels: The Man with the White Eyes by Leopold Tyrmand and The Hive by Camilo José Cela1, respectively. The starting point for the considerations is geopoetics and, more precisely, the concept of the sensory and emotive topographies. It is intended to demonstrate that the approach in question provides the tools adequate to analyse the configuration of Warsaw’s and Madrid’s urban spaces portrayed in Polish novels from the Polish People’s Republic period and Spanish novels from the Francoism period. The comparative approach, in turn, enables the juxtaposing of the research objects and gathering of the data useful for the purposes of Polish-Spanish intercultural studies, such as intercultural communication studies.
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