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1
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Normans and Other Franks in 11th Century Byzantium: the Careers of the Adventurers before the Rule of Alexius I Comnenus

100%
Wierzbiński S.
Studia Ceranea
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2014
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vol. 4
277-288
EN
The paper examines the Frankish presence in Byzantium during 11th century. It was stressed that the mentioned period was the time of a great influx of westerners to the East. At first, most of them visited Constantinople as pilgrims during return journey from the Holy Land. The author points out that the term Franks (Frankoi) was basically attributed to the Eastern Franks/Germans, while in the course of time the Byzantines started to use it to identify rather Western Franks (i.e. French, Normans, Burgundians etc.). The author studies the circumstances in which the new mercenaries and adventurers meet the Empire, trying to define the reason of their success. Another issue investigated in the text is the extent to which Franks got promoted within the social hierarchy in Byzantium during the 11th century. Finally, the author argues that before the presence of great families such as Petraliphai, Raoul or Rogerioi there was at least one house of Frankish descent, which was raised significantly earlier and whose founder was Herve Frankopoulos.
2
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Mysterious helmet from Verden and its “link” with Tibetan helmets

86%
KUBIK A. L.
Historia i Świat
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2017
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issue 6
133-139
EN
The article discusses a helmet that was published in 1914 in Zeitschrift für Historische Waffenkunde. It was possibly found by a German farmer during field works near the town of Verden in Lower Saxony. The helmet which was previously associated with the Saxons and dated between Migration Period and the reign of Charlemagne shows clearly relations with far Asian constructions. Additionally I discuss here another helmet in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, which seems to be a 20th century reworking that imitated the Verden helmet.
3
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The Visigothic King Gesalic, Isidore’s Historia Gothorum and the Goths’ Wars against the Franks and the Burgundians in the Years 507–514

86%
Kasperski R.
Kwartalnik Historyczny
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2017
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vol. 124
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issue 1
PL
Historians dealing with the period of the early Middle Ages do not hold a high opinion of Gesalic, the king of the Visigoths. Gesalic is blamed for the defeats they suffered in the war against the Franks and the Burgundians in 507/08–11. Modern historians’ opinions are based mainly on the work of Isidore of Seville who described Gesalic as a coward and a ruler deprived of luck (felicitas). In this article I argue that to pass an accurate judgment on the king it is necessary to take into account the real politico-military situation of the Visigothic kingdom in the years 508–11.
4

Svatopluk I. – kníže nebo král? K otázce legitimizace velkomoravských knížat ve středověké i moderní historiografii

86%
Kalhous D.
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
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2016
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issue 2(11)
64-89
EN
In the last decades, historians intensely discussed the status of the Moravian prince Svatopluk I (871–894). All of them shared the idea that there was a clearly recognizable kingship in the ninth century with anointed and crowned kings. But the Frankish annalists called the Scandinavian princes kings, even though they were neither anointed nor crowned. To believe Frankish sources, however, means to accept their perspective, where there was only place for the Carolingian kings and where the princes were only obliged to obey them. Yet, in reality, the princes of the Moravians often followed their own interests and were respected partners of the Frankish kings. Culturally and socially, however, the world of the Frankish, Bavarian and Moravian leaders were closely connected. Therefore Svatopluk I might have been in one moment, especially in the confl ict with the East Frankish kingdom, an independent leader of the people from around the Morava River, Moravians, whereas in other situation, he might have presented himself as a member of the Frankish elites.
5
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Szlachetni, odważni, dzicy? Obraz Waregów i Franków w oczach Bizantyńczyków w X-XI w.

72%
Wierzbiński S.
Vox Patrum
|
2018
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vol. 69
647-679
EN
During Xth and XIth century the Byzantine Empire was one of the strongest states in the Levant. In mentioned period the emperors undertook numerous mili­tary campaigns, both in order to expand the borders of the empire and restitute their authority on once lost lands. Due to its prestige and wealth the Empire was a favorable destination for foreigners, including mercenaries. As a result, in By­zantium one could meet warriors of a very diversified ethnic descent. The presence of numerous foreigners could not escape the attentions of Byzantines themselves, who in time formed a distinctive view concerning those newcomers. Among many mercenaries two managed to obtain extraordinary status and step out in the eyes of Byzantine citizens. The first group were the Varangians, who at the end of Xth century formed the famous emperor`s guard. The second group of mercenaries were warrior from the West, usually referred to as the Franks. The main aim of this paper is to examine the genesis of mentioned warriors in Byzantium and the roots of stereotypes attached to them.
6
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Hispania Motives and their Function in the Chronicle of Gregory of Tours

58%
Drška V.
Littera Scripta
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2017
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vol. 2
9-22
EN
The study analyses the importance of the Hispania discourse in the Ten Books of Histories (Historia Francorum) by Gregory of Tours on the “Frank state ideology”. The Frank chronicler uses the topics of the Visigoth Kingdom and the Iberian Peninsula on three interpretational levels (antique, heretic, and orthodox) and in several contexts – the most important being the dynastical, state, and religious. In all cases, Hispania, or rather the Visigoth Kingdom, plays the role of an “unconquered” foreign area or an area under Frank dominance. The function of such an approach and the creation of tradition is clear: to affirm that the Franks were the chosen ones in God’s Plan of Salvation and to affirm their superiority. However, it is important to state that this focus was common among chroniclers in the Middle Ages; the chronicle does not deviate from the characteristics of a “state chronicle.”
7
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O metodě v právní vědě u Montesquieua : příklad XXVIII. knihy Ducha zákonů

58%
Fořtová H.
Právník. Teoretický časopis pro otázky státu a práva (The Lawyer - Scientific Review for Problems of State and Law)
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2019
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vol. 158
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issue 11
997-1009
EN
The paper discusses book XXVIII of the Spirit of the Laws devoted to the practice of judicial combat, which replaced judicial procedure in the course of the development of Frank monarchy. Our aim is to use this case to explain Montesquieu’s understanding of the “method in jurisprudence”. Throughout his book, the author stresses that his aim is not to “interpret” the laws” but rather to “reflect upon” them and to make the reader understand the laws in all possible relations. The last part of the volume (Books XXVII–XXXI) largely examines the laws from a historical perspective. Montesquieu acknowledges the unreasonableness and injustice of the judicial combat as a way of settling disputes (the stronger and more skilful one was in the right) nevertheless he defends its existence because this practice maintained the society thanks to a set of fixed rules and thus prevented the outburst of violence. This custom itself was not reasonable but the way of handling it was. This, however, does not mean that anything could be justified. Montesquieu demonstrates that the rules concerning the judicial combat respected the free spirit of the Franks and were based on the principal of honour which guaranteed the required realm of freedom in the French monarchy. While in England, liberty was maintained by constitutional arrangement, in France it was safeguarded by manners. Liberty is the leading criterion in judging individual laws; that is why despotism must be rejected. While it may provide social stability, it violates the nature of man as free being.
CS
Text se zabývá XXVIII. knihou Ducha zákonů věnovanou praktice soudního souboje, která v jistém stupni vývoje francké monarchie nahrazovala soudní proceduru. Cílem je na tomto příkladu pochopit autorovo pojetí „metody v právní vědě“. Montesquieu napříč celou knihou zdůrazňuje, že jeho cílem není „výklad“ zákonů, ale jejich „promýšlení“, cílem je naučit čtenáře chápat zákony ve všech možných vztazích, porozumět příčinám jejich vzniku i jejich působnosti. Závěrečná část Ducha zákonů (knihy XXVII–XXXI) je z velké části věnovaná předvedení zákonů v historické perspektivě. Montesquieu uznává nerozumnost a nespravedlnost soudního souboje jako způsobu řešení sporu mezi Germány (o tom, kdo byl v právu, rozhodovala síla a obratnost), jeho existenci však hájí, neboť tato praktika svázala společnost pevnými pravidly, čímž zabránila nekontrolovatelnému šíření násilí. Rozumnost nebyla v podstatě tohoto zvyku, ale v jeho provedení. To ovšem neznamená, že by bylo možné ospravedlnit cokoli. Montesquieu ukazuje, že germánská nařízení o souboji respektovala svobodného ducha Germánů, v jejich jádru stála čest, která ve Francii zajišťuje nezbytný prostor svobody. Na rozdíl od Anglie, kde je svoboda výsledkem ústavního uspořádání, spočívá svoboda ve Francii na mravech. Svoboda je kritériem, kterým je třeba se řídit při posuzování jednotlivých zákonů; odmítnout je tak nutné despocii: ta sice může zajistit stabilitu, potlačuje však přirozenost člověka jako svobodné bytosti.
8
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Pierwsza wyprawa krzyżowa i jej następstwa

51%
Doroszkiewicz W.
ELPIS
|
2016
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vol. 18
121-126
PL
Wyprawy krzyżowe były pierwszą okolicznością dla pokazania różnic kulturowo religijnych które dzieliły zgermanizowany Zachód od wschodniorzymskiego Wschodu. Cesarzowi Aleksemu przypadła w udziale sposobność zapoznania się z mentalnością i prowadzeniem się ludzi o pochodzeniu germańskim spod znaku krzyża. Co prawda wschodniorzymskie Imperium potrzebowało militarnej pomocy ale nie w formie gwałtów morderstw i okradania bezbronnych ludzi. Wyprawy krzyżowe doprowadziły do powstania antagonizmów pomiędzy chrześcijaństwem a Islamem, które trwają do dnia dzisiejszego.
EN
The Crusades were the first circumstance to demonstrate the cultural religious differences that divided the Germanized West from the Byzantine East. The barbarization of the West had ushered in a feudal military society which sought to justify its habitual pasttime. The Germanic code of civalry gave preeminence to the military hero; in this regard, the papacy itself was barbarized; there was nothing more disconcerning to the Christian of the Byzantine empire than the papal warfere and the idea of Crusade. The Byzantines, in contrast, did not consider death in battle glorious; nor did they they believe that being killed in the field by the infidel was martyrdom. The canons of the Orthodox Church stated that any one guilty of kiling in war must refrain for three years from taking Holy Communion as a necessary sign of true repentance.
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