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EN
Analyzing the evolution of traditional determinants of the French foreign policy, one can state that the greatest change in the period of the Fifth Republic is related to Paris involvement in the European integration process. It is confirmed by an analysis of all the other determinants discussed in the presented article. Their evolution was motivated by the progress of the European integration process. French perception of sovereignty and independence is mainly affected by a division of competence between various levels of power (regions, countries, supranational bodies), which changed along with subsequent EU treaty reforms. State security issues to an increasingly large degree are being discussed at the EU level within the developing European Defense and Security Policy and border protection policy. France tried to impose its power ambitions onto Europe by promoting the concept of Europe-puissance. Persistence of the étatisme tradition in the French foreign policy was increasingly subjected to France’s effectiveness in forcing through French ideas on the further development of the Common Market. Colonial heritage of the Fifth Republic’s foreign policy manifests itself in propagating southern dimension of the EU neighborhood policy. The European Union that affirms the role of human rights and offers humanitarian and development aid is indeed an extension of French universalist ambitions. Egalitarianism reflected itself in the French contribution to the EU budget where France’s payments were larger than the amount of money obtained from it in the end. Finally, the opposite elitist legacy manifested itself constantly in France’s desire to remain not only in the mainstream of the European integration, but also in its attempts to shape it as one of the EU leading countries, while not excluding institutional arrangements enabling more differentiated integration of uniting Europe. The above mentioned examples prove that despite discontent with regard to progress and trends in the development of the European integration, often voiced in France, it is of utmost importance for that country. France is contributing to the functioning of its diplomacy while taking advantage of new possibilities and financial or institutional instruments that the EU membership guarantees. This factor, in return, contributes to gradual shift of the French foreign policy through the change of its determinants. One can find out how strong and irreversible this tendency is while observing the struggles being made with the negative impact of the economic crisis and global challenges piling up in front of Europe.
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EN
General de Gaulle’s visit to Poland cannot be understood without taking into account two contradictory factors that have characterized Franco-Polish relations since 1958: on the one hand, the fact that he belonged to opposing camps during the Cold War, and on the other hand, the intensity of bilateral ties, which is also expressed in his personal memories of service between 1919 and 1921. Regardless of sentimental and historical considerations, the territorial status of post-war Poland was a lasting part of General de Gaulle’s geopolitical conception. It implied support for the inviolability of its western border. The possibilities of political openness he had been thinking about since 1958 were thwarted by the tensions of the Cold War and Poland’s support for Algeria. The ousting of Khrushchev and the cooling of Franco-German relations were a turning point. The intensive exchange of visits between Poland and France was supposed to signify acceptance of the bipolar order on condition that Poland retained its identity. General de Gaulle’s visit to Poland was intended to explain his policy of “détente, understanding, cooperation”. His veiled speeches suggested the adoption of a more independent stance towards Moscow, but did not in any way upset the post-war status quo in Europe.
PL
Wizyty generała de Gaulle’a w Polsce nie da się zrozumieć bez uwzględnienia dwóch sprzecznych czynników istniejących w stosunkach polsko-francuskich od 1958 r.: z jednej strony przynależności do przeciwnych obozów w czasach zimnej wojny, a z drugiej strony – intensywności więzi dwustronnych, które wyrażały się także w osobistych wspomnieniach de Gaulle’a ze służby w latach 1919–1921. Niezależnie od względów sentymentalnych i historycznych kwestia powojennej Polski na trwale wpisana była w koncepcję geopolityczną de Gaulle’a. Oznaczało to m.in. poparcie Generała dla nienaruszalności zachodniej granicy Polski. Możliwości otwarcia politycznego, o których myślał już od 1958 r., udaremniły napięcia zimnej wojny i poparcie Polski dla Algierii. Punktem zwrotnym było usunięcie Chruszczowa i ochłodzenie w stosunkach francusko-niemieckich. Intensywne obustronne wizyty między Polską a Francją miały oznaczać akceptację porządku dwubiegunowego pod warunkiem zachowania przez Polskę jej tożsamości. Wizyta generała de Gaulle’a w Polsce miała służyć wyjaśnieniu polityki „odprężenia, zrozumienia, współpracy”. Jego przemówienia w zawoalowanej formie sugerowały Polsce przyjęcie bardziej samodzielnej pozycji wobec Moskwy, ale jednocześnie nie niosły za sobą czynów mogących naruszyć powojenne status quo w Europie.
FR
La visite du général de Gaulle en Pologne ne peut être comprise sans tenir compte de deux facteurs contradictoires qui caractérisent les relations franco-polonaises depuis 1958: d’une part, l’appartenance à des camps opposés pendant la guerre froide et, d’autre part, l’intensité des liens bilatéraux, qui s’exprime également dans ses souvenirs personnels du service en 1919/1921. Indépendamment des considérations sentimentales et historiques, le statut territorial de la Pologne d’après-guerre s’inscrit durablement dans la conception géopolitique du général de Gaulle. Il implique le soutien à l’inviolabilité de sa frontière occidentale. Les possibilités d’ouverture politique auxquelles il songeait depuis 1958 sont contrariées par les tensions de la guerre froide et le soutien de la Pologne à l’Algérie. L’éviction de Khrouchtchev et le refroidissement des relations franco-allemandes constituent un tournant. L’échange intensif de visites entre la Pologne et la France est censé signifier l’acceptation de l’ordre bipolaire à condition que la Pologne conserve son identité. La visite du général de Gaulle en Pologne doit lui permettre d’expliquer sa politique de «détente, entente, coopération». Ses discours voilés suggèrent l’adoption d’une position plus indépendante vis-à-vis de Moscou, mais ne bouleversent en rien le statu quo existant en Europe de l’après-guerre.
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