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1

Du Paria à l’Émigré : une typologie des vagabonds post-révolutionnaires

100%

Sert H.

Quêtes littéraires

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2014

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issue 4

18-27

EN

The « great detention » analysed by Michel Foucault shows the fear societies have of wanderers and tramps. During the wholeclassical period, political and religious elites try to lock up people who don’t have neither home nor work, thinking that they are a danger to society’s order. Arts and literature represent this threat, reinforcing the negativity of wandering and mobility in minds. However, there is a time in French history leading to question this doxa. A political revolution turns these representations round. The French Revolution changes the camp of suspicion towards wandering. Starting from 1789, old elites, ironically, find themselves out in the streets with nothing. These people, the Émigrés, are the ones creating literature during the revolutionary period. This phenomenonaffects writing at this time, and arises ethical and aesthetic questions. The texts written in exile trying to answer these questions create a new sensibility which is going to influence the minds of the 19th century.

2

Metternich - der Unverstandene? Schwierigkeiten bei der Erforschung eines Ausnahmepolitikers:

89%

Siemann W.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2020

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vol. 118

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issue 2

416-432

EN

He never lost sight of his long-term strategy (European peace and the internal legal security of the many peoples within the Monarchy). 7) He was also a visionary. This means the imagined anticipation of coming crises, catastrophes or problems or even concepts of a desired peace order up to the ideal of a League of Nations. He saw a permanent source of wars in the will of the various nationalities to each establish a linguistically homogeneous nation state in the middle of Europe. As a counter-model, he envisioned a loose, confederative union of various nationalities based on the model of the Swiss Confederation. 8) Metternich was not the all-powerful „coachman of Europe“. His great adversary Count Franz Anton Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky was in charge of police, censorship and finances within the Habsburg Monarchy. He also had to fight against the Emperor‘s obstinacy and against the selfish interests of Habsburg domestic power politics. His biography is at the same time an examination of European history in the period of upheaval between 1770 and 1850.

3

Tribunal révolutionnaire et procès du Roi et de la Reine

89%

de Lacvivier P.

Studia Gilsoniana

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2022

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vol. 11

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issue 4

639-672

EN

This paper aims to highlight how the trial of Louis XVI expresses a complete inversion of the legal principles of Old christian France, where the authority of the absolute King submits to superior customary and divine laws, against the revolution, which makes the ‘general will’ a God allowing for unrestrained legal positivism. After recalling how the assassination of the King allowed the vicious circle of terror, the trial of Marie-Antoinette and the revolutionary trials, we propose an explanation of the legal principles that can lead to this kind of totalitarianism. To do so, we present some cases from 19th century Japan, which, when compared with the revolutionary trials and the prerevolutionary christian world, provide a key to understanding: the hierarchy of positive, natural and divine laws greatly explains how such and such a legal system can allow or not the justification of mass crimes or totalitarianism.

4

Czekając na generała Moncka. Źródła Burke’owskiej teorii rewolucji

71%

Tulejski T.

Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne

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2017

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vol. 105

107-124

PL

Edmund Burke, angielski mąż stanu, teoretyk polityki i filozof jest ojcem założycielem politycznego konserwatyzmu. Jego Rozważania o rewolucji we Francji – święta księga konserwatyzmu – jest jednym z najbardziej znanych intelektualnych ataków na rewolucję francuską. Jednakże pamflet ten jest również doskonałym studium samej rewolucji. W niniejszym artykule autor bada źródła Burke’owskiej teorii rewolucji i dynamiki procesu rewolucyjnego. Dowodzi, że jego myśl jest zakorzeniona w filozofii politycznej i filozofii historii Dawida Hume’a. Jest prawdopodobnie zaskoczeniem, że Burke, formułując swe polityczne zasady, bazował w dużym stopniu na pismach historycznych Hume’a – swego największego politycznego wroga. Lecz w refleksjach Hume’a dotyczących Wielkiej Rebelii możemy odnaleźć pierwszą analizę rewolucji w nowoczesnym znaczeniu jako wydarzenia społecznego, politycznego i religijnego o nadzwyczajnym charakterze. Opisując rewolucyjnych purytanów, Hume odkrył, że niekontrolowany, wytrwały i niebezpieczny duch innowacji prowadzi do destrukcji ładu społecznego. W końcu, zaczynając od przesadnego pragnienia wolności, naród popadł w najskrajniejszą niewolę. Spostrzegł również, że rewolucję wywołują siły umiarkowane, kończą zaś radykałowie. Dlatego, czytając Historię Anglii, Burke mógł w roku 1789 przewidzieć następne akty francuskiego dramatu, ponieważ zdał sobie sprawę, że francuscy rewolucjoniści byli podobni do angielskich z czasów rewolty purytańskiej. Autor zatem dowodzi, że polityczne proroctwo Burke’a byłoby niemożliwe bez obserwacji rewolucyjnej dynamiki, której dokonał Hume.

EN

Edmund Burke, an English statesman, a political theorist, and a philosopher is the founding father of political conservatism. His Reflections on the Revolution in France – the holy book of conservatism – is one of the best known intellectual attack against the French Revolution. However this pamphlet is also a perfect study of a revolution itself. In this article the Author examines the sources of Burke an theory of revolution and the dynamics of revolutionary process. He argues, that his thought is rooted in David Hume’s political philosophy and his philosophy of history. Perhaps the surprising fact is that Burke by formulating his political principles found it possible to profit to an even greater extent from the historical writings of Hume – his greater political enemy. But in Hume an reflections on the Great Rebellion we can find the first analysis of revolution as social, political and religious extraordinary event in modern sense. Describing the revolutionary Puritans Hume discovered, that uncontrolled, obstinate, and dangerous spirit of innovation inclined to destruction of social order. In the end, starting from the exaggerated pursuit of liberty, the nation fell into the most abject servitude. But he also observed that although revolution is triggered by some moderate powers, it is completed by radicals. Therefore reading his History of England in 1789 Burke could have foreseen the next acts of the French drama, because he realized, that French revolutionaries were similar to English ones during the Puritan Revolution. So the Author argues, that Burke an political prophecy would be impossible without Hume’s observations of revolutionary dynamics.

5

La guerre de Vendée comme un « mémoricide » ? Point de vue littéraire sur un différend historique

71%

Stanovský J.

Svět literatury – Časopis pro novodobé literatury (World of Literature – Journal for Modern Literatures)

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2020

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vol. XXX

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issue Zvláštní číslo – Le monde de la littérature

80-91

EN

The paper deals with a historical polemic concerning the war of Vendée during the French revolution (1793–1799) which is considered by some historians to be the first genocide of modern history. One of them, Reynald Secher, speaks about a “memoricide”, which means a murder of historical memory. The paper presents this conception and then tries to verify it on the base of some historical novels written by Royalist and Republican authors all along the 19th century. The conclusion proves that historical memory of Vendée has neither been forgotten nor repressed, but on the contrary, this theme was being used by both sides in their political and ideological conflicts.

6

Rewolucja francuska wobec Kościoła katolickiego w okresie Konstytuanty i Legislatywy (1789–1792)

71%

Dmochowski T.

Cywilizacja i Polityka

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2015

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vol. 13

126-151

EN

The paper presents the situation of the Catholic Church in France before the revolution of 1789 and the key political environments that created opposition to the Church, and then analyzes the attitudes and subsequent legal actions of the French authorities against of the Catholic Church in institutionally separated periods of the National Constituent Assembly (1789–1791) and the Legislative Assembly (1791–1792).

7

“Radical Enlightenment” – Peripheral, Substantial, or the Main Face of the Trans-Atlantic Enlightenment (1650-1850)

63%

Israel J.

Diametros

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2014

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issue 40

73-98

EN

“Radical Enlightenment” and “moderate Enlightenment” are general categories which, it has become evident in recent decades, are unavoidable and essential for any valid discussion of the Enlightenment broadly conceived (1650–1850) and of the revolutionary era (1775–1848). Any discussion of the Enlightenment or revolutions that does not revolve around these general categories, first introduced in Germany in the 1920s and taken up in the United States since the 1970s, cannot have any validity or depth either historically or philosophically. “Radical Enlightenment” was neither peripheral to the Enlightenment as a whole, nor dominant, but rather the “other side of the coin” an inherent and absolute opposite, always present and always basic to the Enlightenment as a whole. Several different constructions of “Radical Enlightenment” have been proposed by the main innovators on the topic – Leo Strauss, Henry May, Günter Mühlpfordt, Margaret Jacob, Gianni Paganini, Martin Mulsow, and Jonathan Israel – but, it is argued here, the most essential element in the definition is the coupling, or linkage, of philosophical rejection of religious authority (and secularism – the elimination of theology from law, institutions, education and public affairs) with theoretical advocacy of democracy and basic human rights.

8

Rewolucja francuska wobec Kościoła katolickiego w okresie Konwencji (1792–1795)

63%

Dmochowski T.

Cywilizacja i Polityka

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2016

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vol. 14

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issue 14

308-326

EN

The paper presents and analyzes the attitudes and subsequent legal actions of the French authorities against of the Catholic Church in institutionally separated period of the National Convention (1792–1795).

PL

Artykuł przedstawia i analizuje stosunek i działania prawne władz francuskich wobec Kościoła katolickiego w wydzielonym instytucjonalnie okresie Konwencji (1792–1795).

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