Search results - CEJSH

1

Patriotyzm wstydliwy. Debata o patriotyzmie i prawie imigracyjnym na początku XXI wieku w Niemczech

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Kobzarska-Bar B.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2010

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vol. 11

241-254

EN

In the discussion that has been going on since the end of the WW II in Germany and which concerns German patriotism, CDU and CSU parties have taken over the role of its regulator by the extortion of taking the offensive from the SPD. At the beginning of the 21st century the debate on the patriotism in Germany was mainly focused on the value system that was supposed to be the foundation of an agreement and social activity by uniting all the social strengths for the good of the common country. The debate, carried out under the banner of ‘Leitkultur’, though socially important, was only a smoke-screen beyond which the manipulation of the immigration law had taken place. In the end, the immigration law bill was passed in a form that did not satisfy any of the co-originator parties. At the same time the act of citizenship was changed. The effectiveness of its solutions, as a means of social integration, is disputable.

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MIGRATIONS OF POLES TO GERMANY IN LIGHT OF THE FREQUENCY OF OCCURRENCE OF THE MOST POPULAR POLISH SURNAMES (Migracje Polaków do Niemiec w swietle czestotliwosci wystepowania najbardziej popularnych polskich nazwisk)

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Kowalski M., Sleszynski P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2010

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issue 2(335)

EN

The article presents the results of the analysis of 20 of the most popular surnames on the current Germany territory. The research has used amongst others data from the Vervandt (www.verwandt.de) internet service. It has been estimated that 4,06% of German population has Polish surnames, which appears to represent a line of Germans of Polish origin. The diversity of their distribution helps to describe the direction of the migrants' movement from Polish ethnic areas and migration routes within the German ethnic area. The analysis of the presence of surnames also shows an affiliation to different language groups and that dividing antagonisms were not obstacles to the process of mixing of the two societies. The best known and thoroughly researched area with the presence of surnames of Polish origin is in the region of the Ruhr Coal Basin on the present territory of Germany.

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“Consensual Dictatorship” (Zustimmungsdiktatur) And “Community Of The People” (Volksgemeinschaft). Some Reflections On The Interaction Between Nazi State And German Society In The Persecution Of The Jews After 1933

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Bajohr F.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2010

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issue 2(14)

521-526

EN

The persecution of the Jews in Nazi Germany after 1933 cannot solely be explained as a political process implemented by the state and the Nazi Party. The exclusion and isolation of Jews in particular was also part of a social process, characterized by a close interaction between the Nazi dictatorship and German society: A process into which the German population was involved actively. Therefore it is not enough to analyze the attitudes of the German population toward the ongoing persecution; the participation of non -Jewish Germans in this process involved actions as well. My following remarks focus on this interaction and the main factors responsible for it.

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Die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Antisemitismus in Ostdeutschland - Anmerkungen aus polnischer Sicht

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Bojenko-Izdebska E.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2010

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issue 2(14)

527-538

EN

As in 1992 on behalf of the "mirror" of a survey and Gallup Emnid performed and East Germans - the enmity among West was the investigation had the following results: the proportion of East Germans who is anti-Semitic or xenophobic right-wing expressed was much smaller (4%) than the corresponding share of West Germans (16%). the conclusion the time was: "The Germans in the East (would be) the consequences of the Nazi past for the present to take seriously".

5

Aféra generála O.- Limana von Sanders ve vztazích carského Ruska a císařského Německa (listopad 1913 – leden 1914)

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Proks P.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

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2007

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vol. 32

251-258

EN

Before of the First World War Triple Alliance and Entente rivalled for influence onto Turkey. For all Russia observed with unbelief of increase position German officers into Turkey army. Russian endurance 'overflow' in the fall of new chief of German military mission of general O. Liman von Sanders in November 1913. Russia asked for energetic action against German military mission in common with Paris and London. France and Britain did not want risk of war and promised diplomatic support only. London initiated diplomatic action for peaceful compromise and in common with others powers procured of constringency of German military mission out from Turkey in January 1914. This affair pointed dangerously of suspicion between powers, for all between Russia and Germany, in eve of the First World War.

6

RUSSIAN- GERMAN NORTH GAS PIPELINE IN THE VIEW OF PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW

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Gawlowicz I., Laski P.

Polish Yearbook of International Law

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2008

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vol. 28

149-162

EN

The authors analyze - from the perspective of public international law, Polish law, and the interests of the international society - the problems posed by the construction of the North European Gas Pipeline. In this context, the article argues that Poland is a reliable and stable partner and that it is also in Russia's interest to build a gas pipeline running through the land of the Republic of Poland. The article also submits that it is a diplomatic challenge for Poland to persuade the international community that actions connected with the construction of the gas pipeline are not based on economic grounds. It is in Poland's economic and political interest to face up to this challenge, despite the fact that Russia does not have a rich tradition in soft diplomatic actions. The article also notes that the problems associated with the gas pipeline are not confined to the legal sphere alone. Politics are involved, and politics and the law are strongly connected with one another and the boundaries between them sometimes get blurred.

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Německý sekulární mecenát v dlouhém 19. století

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Pokorny J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2010

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vol. 108

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issue 2

244-257

EN

This study focuses on the issues of German secular patronage in the never ending 19th century; it deals with the principal problems (a link to the formation of a civic society, the penetration of market principles into the relationship between artists and their public) and the activities of the most important German art patrons.

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TRANSNACIONALIZÁCIA DISKUSIE O SPRAVODLIVOSTI A EURÓPSKA ÚNIA

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Dunaj Ľ.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2014

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vol. 3

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issue 1

64 – 68

EN

The European Union is facing new challenges, which it has to solve for its survival. In fact many of them have deeper roots and are at least partially originating in a misconception of European institutions. The economic crises 2008 accelerated the urgency for their solution. This paper focuses on three problems. First, it claims the necessity for a trans-nationalisation of the debate of social justice. Secondly, it shows that the rigid concept of a state’s sovereignty blocks the possibility to democratise the European institutions. And finally, that predominating Germany can cause the collapse of EU.

9

NEMECKÁ VOJENSKÁ TECHNIKA V TANKOVOM MÚZEU MUNSTER (1918 – 1945)

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Konečný M.

Vojenská história

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2019

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vol. 23

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issue 1

146 - 156

EN

The town of Munster in the German federal state of Lower Saxony has a long military history. As early as in 1893, there was a dislocated battalion of the imperial army, also having the future German general and president, Paul von Hindenburg, serving there. Nearby Munster, an extensive military area and research institute originated, used since 1916 mainly for chemical weapons development and testing. In 1935, Germany secretly recovered the research and development of the chemical weapons in Munster, later opening a tank school with training area. After the end of the World War Two, these military premises found their use for storing the German and Allied tanks, armoured vehicles and varied military hardware. Since the 1950’s, the hardware was used for the Bundeswehr and Western Ally armies research purposes. The Munster collection was expanding over the years as was the military base and training area. However, only in 1983, the idea of making the historical armoured vehicles accessible to the public in the new German Tank Museum (Deutsches Panzermuseum Munster) was successfully implemented.

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КАЙЗЕРОВСКАЯ ГЕРМАНИЯ У ИСТОКОВ НЕЗАВИСИМОСТИ ГРУЗИИ

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Chachava V.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2014

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vol. 3

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issue 2

42 – 47

EN

The article reflects the influence of imperial Germany on the struggle for independence and democracy in Georgia (1901 – 1921). It analyses also the international activity of political organizations of Georgia and the conditions of the agreement, which made Germany the guarantee of the Georgian independence.

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Niemiecka Russlandpolitik na rozdrożu? Ewolucja polityki RFN wobec Rosji

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Żerko S.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2013

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issue 4

57-78

EN

The author is analyzing the policy of Germany towards Russia after the year 1991 and the efforts of the German side to keep the best relations with Moscow. The apogee in this respect was the government of Gerhard Schröder (SPD). The taking over of the go vernment by Angela Merkel (CDU) in 2005 slightly changed the assumptions of the German policy towards Russia, because the pro-Russian SPD was still part of the ruling coalition. In the years between 2009 and 2013, when the ruling coalition consisted of the CDU/CSU and the FDP, Germany-Russia relations worsened because of the aggressive policy of Moscow. It was even spoken of an “ice age” in these relationships, which in the author’s opinion was considerable exaggeration. The foundation of a new Great Coalition (of the CDU and the SPD) makes us suppose, that the policy of Berlin towards Moscow is going to be more lenient, than in the past years.

12

GERMAN SPIRITUALITY THROUGH THE EYES OF POLISH POSTWAR INTERPRETERS OF THE TOPIC

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Grott B.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2005

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issue 27

41-51

EN

This article deals with the issue of the spiritual roots of National Socialism in Germany. Coinciding with the sixtieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War, the study examines some views of Polish scholars Leon Halban and Bogdan Suchodolski, who authored several publications on this subject. Professor Leon Halban (whose works include 'Religia w Trzeciej Rzeszy' (Religion in the Third Reich), 1936; 'Problem kultury niemieckiej' (The Problem of German Culture), 1946; 'Religia starogermanska i jej aktualne znaczenie w Niemczech' (The Old German Religion and Its Current Significance in Germany), 1949), believed that the course of events in Germany was determined by a transformation of religious life in that country, which was connected with a crises within Christianity there. Professor Bogdan Suchodolski (author of 'Dusza niemiecka w swietle filozofii' (German Soul in the Light of Philosophy), 1945 and 1947) condemned all of German culture, which he evaluated through the prism of the philosophy of the German nation. In the opinion of the present author, the research undertaken by both scholars demands further investigation, as some of the issues which they discussed are still today of significance.

13

Germany and the New European Social Model

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Fuchs G.

Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje

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2005

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vol. 8

59-76

EN

A genuine 'European Social Model' can be characterised by structures and processes of ordered diversity and social compensation. Since the mid-90's European social democrats of the Third Way have argued that globalization, European integration, individualization and the knowledge-based society make welfare state reform a pressing issue. The European Social Model is identified as a severe hindrance to growth, competitiveness and employment. Notions of a new European Social Model include the functionality of income inequality and the market for a prosperous economy, conditionality for social benefits and workfare. The article takes the current German welfare state reforms as an example for the transition from the 'old' to the 'new' European Social Model. It focuses especially on reforms in health insurance, old age pensions and on labour market policies, namely the so-called 'Hartz-reforms'. The results are disappointing, because neither unemployment has dropped nor social security finances have improved. Instead the reforms dismantle the very idea of solidarity and hence its legitimacy. Political alternatives to these changes are still vague. Fundamental problems such as the relation between wage work and care work or between the ideology of growth and the exploitation of natural resources remain unsolved.

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THE CONTROVERSY BETWEEN GERMAN AND DUTCH HISTORIOGRAPHY OVER THE NETHERLANDS' PLACE AND ROLE IN EUROPE (Spór miedzy historiografia niemiecka i holenderska o miejsce i role Holandii w Europie)

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Napierala P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2010

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issue 4(337)

EN

In the Dutch historiography from 18th Century on we can perceive a clear tendency to present the history of the United Provinces as specific process typical only for this country and nation, whereas in 19th Century Germany many historians were of an opinion that both the Dutch and Germans are a part of a one Germanic family (deustche Voelker) who should not only cooperate with each other, but also write their history as history of the Reich. During the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands attempts were made to reestablish the frames of the Dutch historiography to make it compatible with all the main processes typical for the history of the whole body of Germanic nations and the history of the Reich. After WWII the big differences between Dutch and German historical processes were to be highlighted.

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Autoreferat rozprawy doktorskiej "Niemieckie koncerny prasowe w Polsce w latach 1989-2006. Działalność wydawnicza- upowszechnianie treści - oddziaływanie na czytelników

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Dąbrowska-Cendrowska O.

Rocznik Bibliologiczno-Prasoznawczy

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2009

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vol. 12

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issue 1

193-199

EN

Not available

16

Najwcześniejsze polskie interpretacje nazizmu (1922–1924)

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Maciejewski M.

Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi

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2011

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vol. 33

9-31

EN

The article presents information, opinions and interpretations concerning the beginnings of National Socialism in Germany, particularly Bavaria, during the first half of the 1920s, that came from Leszek Malczewski, Polish Consul General in Munich. He was probably the first Polish eyewitness systematically observing the growth of National Socialism. At that time Nazism was not yet — according to Polish consul — a signifi cant political force but simply one of the many Nationalist organizations with clearly anti-Semitic and racist profi le. Neither Malczewski, nor anyone else, could have predicted at the outset of the 20s that in a dozen years the Nazi party with Adolf Hitler as a leader would seize power in Germany. Polish consul passed his own observations pertaining to National Socialism (they were not always fully verifi ed or totally credible, but certainly interesting and not devoid of accuracy) to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Warsaw, relating in his reports various, though not all, aspects of activity and propaganda of the Nazis during the initial phase of the Hitlerite party’s existence. Malczewski investigated with particular attention Nazi preparations in Bavaria for an anti-government coup, usually correctly pointing out the political objectives of the group of conspirators with Hitler and general Erich Ludendorff at its head. When, at the beginning of November 1923, National Socialists put their subversive plans into final action, Polish consul focused his attention on the analysis of the results of the unsuccessful putsch both for the Nazis themselves and for a general political situation in Bavaria (and even in Germany as a whole). Although Malczewski was rather skeptical as far as the political future of National Socialist party was concerned, he did not exclude the possibility that it can overcome internal crisis caused by the suppression of the attempted anti-government putsch by army and police forces. Even before November 1923 Malczewski appreciated Hitler’s oratory and propaganda skill and the model of party leadership introduced by him.

17

The Modernisation of Germany: an Unfinished or Radicalised Project?

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Eckardt F.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie

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2012

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issue 900

37-50

EN

The modernisation of Germany coincided with with the most important phase of urban development. With the upcoming industrialisation, the emergence of modern urban life was based on a modern class formation rooted in professional and occupational status. The city has thus become the place where different social groups integrate, and it allows the individual some freedom to choose intimate relationships. Today, this logic of integration is under great pressure as neither work nor the traditional neighbourhood currently plays this role. The transformation to a radicalised modernity is worked out in this article with regard to the integration of the ethnic “other”. It shows that contemporary urban life in Germany is characterised by a double-edged process: ongoing segregation on a micro-level and adaptation towards a generalised stranger.

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CULTURE IN THE ELECTION PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN GERMANY (2009) (Kultura w programach wyborczych partii politycznych w Niemczech (2009 rok))

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Waginska-Marzec M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2010

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issue 2(335)

174-187

EN

Each of the German political parties that entered the Bundestag after the election of 2009 (CDU/CSU, SPD, FDP, Die Linke and Bundnis 90/Die Grunen) devoted much space in their election programs to issues of cultural policy and culture. The catalog of problems to which attention was drawn overlapped at many points, sometimes differing only in emphasis. Issues highlighted by all the parties included among others: strengthening the status of culture by a regulation in the Constitution that would impose mandatory support of culture by the state; favoring freedom of culture and art and its widespread accessibility; maintaining cultural diversity and investing in the development of cultural and creative economy (Kultur- und Kreativwirtschaft). Willingness was also declared to improve artists' working conditions and material situation by creating more feasible (tax and legal) regulations for the development of their artistic production (including effective protection of copyright laws) and a better system of health/retirement insurance. The need was emphasized to support public institutions in the cultural sphere and the German film industry. Greater activity was called for in the domain of foreign cultural policy, cultivation of the culture of memory, the role of cultural education, etc. All the parties noted the importance of cultural issues as an element of building national identity, expressing their will to improve the existing situation so as to create more optimal conditions and opportunities for the development of culture and the arts.

19

UNIVERSALISATION OF UPPER SECONDARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY: LESSONS FOR TERTIARY EDUCATION?

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Thum A.-E., Potjagailo G., Veselková M.

Sociológia (Sociology)

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2013

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vol. 45

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issue 6

542 – 564

EN

The expansion of tertiary education is high on the political agenda in the European Union. In this paper we analyse a necessary ingredient for the expansion of tertiary education – the universalisation of upper secondary education – in order to draw lessons for the expansion of the tertiary education by analogy. We examine speed, differentiation and drivers of this universalisation in Germany and compare our findings with the experiences in the Czech and Slovak Republics in order to demonstrate more general trends in educational policies in Europe. We find that the speed of universalisation depends on whether a country is a forerunner or a laggard. General tracks expanded more than vocational tracks; in Germany the two tracks complement one another. Finally we find that conflicting interest groups hampered serious reforms in Germany until the first PISA tests in 2000 placed its students well below the average among OECD countries for literacy and numeracy. Reforms introduced in the last decades, however – driven by internationalisation – are likely to lead to a further expansion of tertiary education both in Germany and in what is today the Slovak and Czech Republics.

20

POLITICAL TRANSFERS BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND AUSTRIA-HUNGARY BEFORE THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND NATIONAL QUESTION – DRAFT

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Daniš V., Ježík J.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2014

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vol. 7

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issue 2

51 – 61

EN

The paper analyses the British foreign policy towards the Austria-Hungary from the beginning of 20th century until the First World War (next WW I) 1 on a background of the whole world political context. Its goals are to define main characteristics of the policy, particularly toward the solution of national problems in the Habsburg monarchy. Britain at the period was interested first of all for preservation of its own colonial empire across the world, so that Europe did not belong between its priorities. Therefore Britain applied a non-active foreign policy towards European countries including the Austria-Hungary and its ally – expanding Germany. Moreover, therefore a liberal party in power in Britain, who tried to avoid wars and played the role of a peace-maker. However, crisis in South Europe and Balkan wars rapid changed the British foreign policy that became more active towards the Habsburg monarchy. The authors also analysed whether Britain was interested for solution of national problems in the Austria-Hungary, including effort of Slovaks for the independence, which was similarly as Britain a conglomerate of many nations. Britain was not very keen to find solution of these problems because it was a similar multinational empire with own troubles. Overcautious British foreign policy towards Europe on the contrary provoked at some intellectuals in Britain, such as R.W. Seton-Watson and Wickham Steed that are interested for solution of the national problem. They presented in the press articles their own proposals for foreign policy. According to them if the British government more supported national question it could help the Austria-Hungary to become more powerful and stabile Central European power and the barrier of German expansion.

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