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EN
The article is devoted to statistical analysis and assessment of urbanization processes. It is stressed that transformations of this kind are fairly complex and do not result only from the changes of relations between urban and rural population. They consist in complex economical-social phenomena that are reflected, among others, in formation of large urban complexes whose internal structure is ever more complicated. Their characteristic feature is spatial expansion. In the place where formerly only towns were, new, territorially extensive agglomerations and metropolises come into being. Because of a strong demographic dynamics resulting from the intensive development and technological progress, great urban complexes, numbering over 10 million inhabitants have appeared. The name of mega-agglomeration has been accepted for these new forms of urbanization. They have been defined and discussed on the basis of UN documentation. Attention has been paid to the fact that they develop most quickly in poor Third World countries. This has important social consequences. In the next part of the article the most modern and complex forms of nowadays urbanization have been discussed. In the areas with a lot of agglomerations new forms of big-city settlement are formed that are called “megalopolis”. They are listed and subjected to a proper geographical interpretation. They number several dozen million inhabitants each and their significance in the world is ever greater. A considerable part of the article is concerned with the so-called world or global cities. They are cities that perform the functions of the highest rank, mainly as far as the international finances are concerned. They are the seats of great corporations and concerns, banks and influential political and economic organizations. Studies conducted by a team of experts affiliated to the British University of Loughborough that has assumed the name “Globalization World Cities Study. Group GAWC” have been used here. On the basis of strictly defined criteria the team has distinguished 55 global cities. They have been divided into ranks and categories. London, New York, Paris and Tokyo have been included in the first rank. Also the rank of Warsaw has been defined; it has been given gamma rank and category 5. The classification is subjected to assessment. In the next part of the text the inner structure of the mentioned greatest global (world) cities is given and characterized. In the last part of the article it is indicated that the processes of mega-urbanization have a tendency to spread into new areas and continents. Disproportions between the areas of great concentration of population on the one hand and regions of demographic and economic regress on the other will increase. The most important consequences will occur in Asian, African and South American countries. In these parts of the world the processes of mega-urbanization will occur in a spontaneous way and may lead to an economic, social and ecological disaster.
Lud
|
2011
|
vol. 95
69-90
EN
This paper discusses the tensions between empirical and theoretical analyses of the city. It argues that a distinction between "anthropology of the city" and "anthropology in the city" ought to be made. The former aims at understanding the city as a whole, while the latter is based upon participant observation and classic fieldwork wherein the "urban experience" is studied in a first-hand fashion. While there is a veritable anthropological tradition of studies in the urban milieu, there is not enough adequate theoretical discussion on understanding the city as a whole. The failure of the research project led by Rem Koolhaas in Nigerian Lagos is an apt example of what is called "naive urban anthropology", where the two are confused. After presenting and critiquing Koolhaas' research, this paper argues that in order to develop a more theoretical understanding of urbanization one needs to follow in the wake of urban theory devised by David Harvey and Neil Smith. It argues that most predicaments in urban theory stem from the domination of thinking within the confines of the paradigm of "absolute space". The paper gives a historical account of the emergence of absolute space, and then shows how it has been eclipsed by both relative and relational spaces. It shows how Harvey's inverted ontology, giving primacy to space and not to place, can alleviate some of the current shortcomings of urban anthropology, and how the theoretical perspective ought to be complimented with anthropological studies of the emergent new "urban ways of life" in contemporary cities.
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