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This paper deals with controversal issues of grammaticalization discourse, involving the status of grammaticalization as a distinct process and the unidirectionality principle. We demonstrate that among the main factors of the dispute there is a deep conflict between functionalists and formalists, which is partially yielded by their different account for the concept of 'science'. We make an attempt to revise most of the degrammaticalization examples in Newmeyer's Language Form and Language Function, to show that they are not valid. By this we try to verify that there is no ground for eliminating the unidirectionality principle, although there are a few real cases of degrammaticalization. We emphasize that the processes grammaticalisation is usually reduced to constitute a qualitatively new phenomenon.
EN
With this research, based on a sample of authentic linguistic material (mostly taken from the written press and from literary texts), following the preferences or tendencies, I pretend to, on the one hand, reveal/describe the syntacticsemantic combinatorics (the propositional types and respective forms they co-occur with, types of subjects and their quantification, number and nature of the arguments and their syntactic configuration) and the semantic-lexical combinatorics (what aspectual types of verbal predicates they combine with – ‘state verbs’, ‘process verbs’, ‘culminated process verbs’, ‘culmination verbs’ or ‘point verbs’ – and their significant implications) of the ‘progressive’ ( and ) in present-day European Portuguese and, on the other hand, identify/determine their variation.
EN
The aim of the paper is to overview the processes of grammaticalization and lexicalization in the verbal system of hamitosemitic. Hamitosemitic/Afroasiatic 'prefix-conjugations' go back to original periphrastic constructions although not only periphrastic constructions and nominal sentences but also inflexional verbal categories must have existed in Proto-Hamitosemitic dialect cluster. Proto-Egyptian lost periphrastic constructions with preposed auxiliary already before they could be grammaticalized. At least four different 'suffix-conjugations' should be reconstructed for Proto-Semitic not only on the basis of internal Semitic reconstruction but also in the light of Egyptian evidence. Also active participle 'qbtil' and its variant 'qattil' have played a part in the development of verbal categories.
EN
The main aim of this paper is to explore and analyze the grammaticalization of the gerundive and participle verbal constructions in Old and Classical Spanish. The author’s purpose is to demonstrate that the described grammatical change was motivated essentially by the mechanisms of metonymy
EN
In Croatian and Polish various constructions with the reflexive marker 'se/sie' may or may not involve a noun in the dative case. In Croatian one may say 'govori se o ovome problemu' (this problem is discussed) as well as 'stalno im-DAT se govori o tom problemu' (they are being told about this problem all the time). Other examples include, for instance, 'Kto wie, co sie zdarzy za dziewiec miesecy' (Polish) (Who knows what will happen in nine months) as opposed to 'A jezeli zdarzy im-DAT sie cos zlego?' (And what if something bad happens to them?). In this paper the authors will discuss the way in which the 'se/sie' construction interacts with the dative case in the construction of meaning. A corpus study was conducted on the IPI PAN corpus of Polish (http://korpus.pl/) and the Croatian National Corpus (http://www.hnk.ffzg.hr) to find examples where the 'se/sie' construction coincided with the dative construction. The results show that there are two basic semantic groups: the allative/competitor group and the transfer group, which partially corresponds to semantic groups found for various dative senses (Stanojevic and Tudman Vukovic forthcoming). In the allative/competitor group the dative serves as an abstract goal, and the 'se/se' construction marks the self-movement of the agent (i.e. the fact that it has internal energy). As opposed to that, in various transfer subsenses the 'se/sie' construction is grammaticalized to defocus the agent, and the dative gradually changes its role from a potentially affected recipient (as in 'stalno im-DAT se govori o tom problemu' (they are being told about this problem all the time)) to a completely affected experiencer ('Meni-DAT kad se place placem' (When I feel like crying I cry); 'Wszystko mozna, tylko czlowiekowi-DAT sis nie chce' (Anything can be done, but a person simply doesn't feel like it)). In these senses both the dative and the 'se/sie' construction are grammaticalized in respect to their other senses, and are hence semantically bleached. Therefore, in those senses new constructional meaning occurs, which is not present in any senses of the two components taken alone: dative as the experiencer of its internal change of state. Constructional meaning is possible only in the bleached senses, which are less detailed in respect to the'basic', diachronically older senses.
EN
In the paper the authoresses ask questions concerning how are the rules of the word formative level created. They focus on series of incidences, leaving out sporadic instances but also putting on the side the models inherited from earlier times as well as those borrowed from other languages (eg. -cja from Latin, -ing from English). Thereby a new value of the term grammaticalization is created - the interest of the authors concerns the mechanism of creation of new word formation rules, that is only word formative grammaticalization. Sources of new models can be found in: 1) the lexical level (the affixes -dziej, -wspol-, -teka, -man); 2) the inflectional level (paradigmatic derivation, adjectivization of participles, substantivization of adjectives); 3) the syntactic level (nie-, the postfix sie). The paper is illustrated mostly by Polish examples however the authors hope that the aforementioned word formative grammaticalization processes can easily be supplemented with examples from other Slavic languages.
EN
The understanding of the grammaticalization process used today is quite diverse; nevertheless it presents a great step forward in contemporary linguistics and offers almost universal criteria for its description. The grammaticalization of the analytic verbal structures and especially of Perfect tense was first observed by the pioneers of the modern grammaticalization theory (A. Meillet, J. Kurylowicz) and had since become the subject of systematic investigation. One of the constituents of the European linguistic area (ELA) is the ability to form analytical verbal constructions and verbal tenses – in the case of the Perfects predominantly as a bi-auxiliary habere/esse type, or as a mono-auxiliary habere type and esse type. The West Slavic habere Perfect constructions in Czech with their three main types show, thanks to the extensive data well documented by the Czech National Corpus, some rather unique innovations, as e.g. the shift from the object type agreement of the n-/t-participle to a subject-type agreement.
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Semanticke skaly a skalarni modifikatory v cestine)

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EN
The article aspires to provide a detailed semantic classification and description of scalar modifiers in contemporary Czech (e.g. velmi, skoro, celkem, poněkud, alespoň, přibližně). Words of this class are seen as operating on semantic scales of two basic types – continuous scales, primarily represented by gradable adjectives, and discrete scales, primarily represented by numerals. The function of scalar modifiers is to state some degree(s) of these scales as valid. As a precondition of the final description and classification, the semantics of gradable adjectives is broadly addressed with respect to the problem of semantic vagueness and pragmatic imprecision. The well-known division into the categories of relative, maximal and minimal adjectives is applied to Czech and some tests based on inferential schemes are shown. The diachronic origin of scalar modifiers is discussed on the basis of grammaticalization theory. After that, the actual semantic classification and description of Czech scalar modifiers is presented, based not on mere semantic intuition but supported by corpus co-occurence data.
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