Search results

1

The Pan-German League at the End of the 19th Century

100%

Urban M.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2016

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issue 1

60-71

EN

The Pan-Garman League was established as a pressure group of German nationalists and “defenders of national interests” in the consequence of the release of the Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty in 1890. Its founder and an important member was Alfred Hugenberg, who managed to gain support and cooperation of existing nationalist and colonial societies in Germany. The Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband) was established owing to the Hugenberg’s activity in 1891. Although, the colonial policy of Germany was its first primary issue, its interest gradually started to shift towards the Central Europe. The membership of the League was comprised not only of university professors, teachers, clergymen, doctors of medicine, office workers or army officers, but also of important politicians or industrialists. The activity of the League was concentrated primarily on the strengthening of German nationalist ideas in the internal politics of German Empire and the support of the spreading of German cultural influence abroad. The league’s core ideology was a conviction of the German nation’s exclusive mission, right and duty to build a strong Central European and colonial power. To this end, it pursued an aggressive and confident expansionist policy, demanded the broadening of its colonial domination in the world, and promoted the building of a strong navy and other measures which were meant to secure the German Empire a place amongst the great powers of the world.

2

"Böhmischer Zirkel" und "typischer Charakterzug der slavischen Kriminalität". Zur Ethnisierung von Kriminalitätsdiskursen im Deutschen Kaiserreich und in der Habsburgermonarchie

100%

Zimmermann V.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2020

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vol. 12

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issue 1

80-107

EN

The image of the ethnic deviant other is present today in many ways: for example in deep-rooted perceptions of Roma as habitual criminals or in jokes about Polish car thieves. This article examines ethnically based criminalization using the historical example of two regions: the eastern provinces of Prussia and the Bohemian Lands. It intends to uncover mechanisms and interpretative patterns through which outside images of particular ethnic groups were associated with notions of criminality, and thus served to construct groups of criminal "others". With this purpose in mind, the article analyzes discourses and regional social practices in relation to criminality.

3

Przesilenia kanclerskie w Cesarstwie Niemieckim w 1917 r. na łamach krakowskiego Głosu Narodu

100%

Markowska A.

Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne

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2019

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vol. 26

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issue 1

158-171

EN

The article concerns governmental crises and changes in the chancellor’s position that took place in the German Empire in the period between July and November 1917. It was possible to cover this issue thanks to the analysis of articles published in the Krakow daily newspaper “Głos Narodu”. This paper referred to direct correspondents from Berlin, German press agencies, or information from the German press. The author wants to show a few months of tensions in German internal politics and present various behind-the-scenes games of political parties in the government. The situation in the Empire was important for us, Poles, because the year 1917 and the reports from the fronts of World War I gave rise to more and more hopes for regaining independence.

4

Социальные и экономические эффекты трудовых миграций поляков в Германскую империю в конце XIX – начале XX века

86%

Zhitin R., Topiliskiy A.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2018

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vol. 1

21-29

EN

The article focuses on the problem of labor migrations of the peasant population of Vistula Land of Russia to the German Empire at the turn of the XIX and ХХ century. The subject of the study are the causes of migration, the situation of Polish workers abroad, the specifics and main spheres of hiring workers, the social and economic effects of the movement. The urgency of the work is determined by inadequate historiographic attention to the factor of the annual retreat of tens of thousands of Poles abroad. The article uses the civilizational approach, the principle of historicism, the ideas of the French school “Annals”. The conclusions obtained by the authors of the article testify to the special significance of migrations not only for the inhabitants of the Polish province, but also for the entire German landlord economy. Migration compensated for the labor shortage in Germany’s agrarian sector, ensuring rapid growth in production in the states. The experience of migration stimulated the economic initiative of Poles, increased their standard of living, affected the size of peasant land ownership in the Vistula Land.

5

Rozwój piłkarstwa niemieckiego na ziemiach polskich zaboru pruskiego w latach 1900-1914 na tle sytuacji politycznej

86%

Owsiański J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

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issue 2 (375)

297-317

EN

The article discusses the origins of football on the territory of Germany and the gradual expansion of this sports discipline to the eastern provinces. The present study is an attempt to recreate, in a synthetic overview, the accomplishments of German football on the territory of the Prussian partition of Poland in the aspect of organizational development, games played, achievements of clubs and the successes of teams in sporting competition up to the outbreak of World War I. At the beginning of the 20th century, the German Football Association (DFB) was created, which coordinated the activities of football associations in particular provinces of the German Empire. This contributed to the development of football in the eastern provinces as well. Each year, more and more German clubs were formed; they took part in championship competitions at the level of districts and regional associations. Football teams representing the association participated in the Crown Prince Cup competition (Kronprinzenpokal). German games impacted on the initiation of Polish football development in this area, independently of the advance of the discipline in Galicia. The rapid growth of football was stopped by the outbreak of World War I. After the war, under the Treaty of Versailles and as a result of the outbreak of the Greater Poland Uprising, these lands returned within the borders of Poland, which caused mass emigration of Germans to the Reich. These facts brought about changes in the national and historical consciousness, resulting in the lack of interest in the issue of German football development in the Polish territories of the Prussian partition among sports historians of both countries. The development of German football and its impact on the growth of Polish football in Greater Poland, Kuyavia, and Gdańsk Pomerania were assessed on the basis of historical sources and scientific studies. Analysis of the extant source materials, press publications of that time and historical studies was also used.

6

Eine Leidensgeschichte in angstvollen Zeiten. Die Frau zwischen „Neu“ und „Alt“ in Gabriele Reuters Roman „Aus guter Familie. Leidensgeschichte eines Mädchens“

72%

Redlich J.

Germanica Wratislaviensia

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2013

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vol. 137

35 - 45

EN

Referring to Gabriele Reuter’s Novel From a good family, the article discusses the problems which had to be faced by the society of the German Empire. The main character, Agathe Heidling, can be considered as a mirror of this era in German history: On the one hand it was an economically powerful state, very progressive. On the other hand it totally ignored the need for modernization in the social structures. Agathe is an example of the societies’ struggle, being caught between two mental bases: the conservative and the modern one. Agathe’s lack of self-confidence, her mistrust towards both of those mentalities, as well as her cowardice to choose her own way and a childhood trauma that affects her sexual consciousness – all this results in her illness: Hysteria.

7

Posłowie polscy w Berlinie w dyskusjach wokół Aktu 5 Listopada 1916 roku w organach ustawodawczych Prus i Rzeszy Niemieckiej.

72%

Nodzyński T.

Studia Zachodnie

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2017

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vol. 19

119-135

PL

Artykuł zawiera analizę wystąpień parlamentarnych posłów polskich w sejmie Prus i Rzeszy Niemieckiej, dotyczących Aktu 5 Listopada z 1916 roku. Podsumowując przytaczane w dyskusjach parlamentarnych głosy polskich posłów opozycyjnych, związanych głównie z Narodową Demokracją, oraz konserwatywnych lojalistów należy zauważyć, że ci pierwsi odnosili się do Aktu 5 Listopada sceptycznie, z licznymi zastrzeżeniami, natomiast drudzy przyjmowali Akt z wielkim zadowoleniem, jako otwierający ich zdaniem drogę do niepodległości Polski. Przedstawiciele orientacji na państwa Ententy wyrażali ubolewanie, że Akt dotyczy tylko części narodu polskiego, bez zaboru pruskiego, choć wówczas, na przełomie 1916 i 1917 roku, nie sformułowali jeszcze publicznie żądania jego włączenia do Polski. Proniemieccy lojaliści natomiast stali na gruncie pozostania zaboru w granicach Prus. Łączyła przedstawicieli wszystkich wymienianych orientacji krytyka polityki germanizacyjnej i oczekiwanie odejścia od niej przez władze. Było to dla polskich posłów probierzem rzeczywistych intencji władz Prus i Rzeszy w polityce polskiej w ogóle. Mieli oni w tej sprawie inną, znacznie bliższą perspektywę, niż politycy z dwóch pozostałych zaborów i z emigracji.

EN

The article presents an analysis of the parliamentary speeches made by the Polish MPs in the Parliament of Prussia and the German Empire on the Act of 5 November 1916. In this act Germany and Austro-Hungary announced the restoration of the Kingdom of Poland. To sum up the opinions expressed by the Polish opposition MPs, mainly ones associated with National Democracy and conservative loyalists, it is possible to say that the former were sceptical about the Act of 5 November and had a number of objections, whereas the latter accepted the Act with great satisfaction as a step towards Polish independence. Those in favour of an alliance with the Entente were unhappy about the fact that the Act only referred to part of the Polish nation, excluding the area under Prussian rule although at that time, at the turn of 1916 and 1917, they did not publicly announce the demand to include it in Poland. However, pro-German loyalists wanted that area of Poland to remain within the Prussian borders. The representatives of all the above mentioned options were united in their criticism of the policy of Germanization and the expectation that the authorities should put an end to it.

8

„The Daily Telegraph aféra“. Masmédia a transformace císařského Německa v roce 1908

72%

Stellner F.

Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century

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2016

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vol. 8

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issue 2

80-94

EN

The study evaluated the consequences of the affair with Daily Telegraph for developing a relationship between the German population and the monarchy and observed a severe disruption of the regard of this institution.The author is convinced that in 1918 the consequences of discrediting the throne came into effect; the monarchy was replaced by a republic. The last German emperor is seen as clearly at fault for this situation. He would have been able to develop good relations between Great Britian and Germany but he was not able to rise to this occasion and thus failed because of his temperament. His personal interventions in foreign affairs and the British-German diplomacy were chaotic and unpredictable because of his struggle between his English and German „identities“. The author also evaluated the current discussion about the „personal rule“ and came to the conclusion that Wilhelm II honored the constitution of the empire and was not under any circumstances an absolute monarch. The public often incorrectly perceived his sudden ideas as official statements.

CS

Studie zhodnotila důsledky aféry s Daily Telegraphem pro vývoj vztahu německého obyvatelstva k monarchii a konstatovala vážné narušení vážnosti této instituce. Autor je přesvědčen, že v roce 1918 se projevily důsledky diskreditace trůnu, a monarchii nahradila republika. Vinu jednoznačně přisuzuje poslednímu německému císaři, který by dokázal vybudovat dobré vztahy mezi Velkou Británií a Německem, ale vzhledem ke svému temperamentu této úloze nedorostl a zklamal. Protože se potácel mezi anglickou a německou „identitou“, byly jeho osobní zásahy do zahraniční politiky a britsko-německé diplomacie chaotické a nevypočitatelné. Autor zhodnotil i současnou diskusi o „osobní vládě“ a došel k závěru, že Vilém II. dodržoval říšskou ústavu a v žádném případě nebyl absolutním monarchou. Veřejnost ale často mylně považovala jeho náhlé nápady za oficiální stanoviska.

9

Rosyjski projekt operacji desantowej w strefie Kanału Cesarza Wilhelma w 1914 roku

72%

Herma M.

Zapiski Historyczne

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2022

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vol. 87

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issue 1

91-106

EN

The paper discusses a scheme for a landing operation in the Kaiser Wilhelm Canal area (German Kaiser-Wilhelm-Kanal, from 1948 the Nord-Ostsee-Kanal, the Kiel Canal in international terminology), whose aim was to capture and destroy the Germanbuilt transportation route that connected the Baltic Sea with the North Sea. The canal bore a strategic importance after the outbreak of World War I, as the German navy had to operate both in the North Sea against its main adversary, the British fleet, and to ensure Germany’s strategic control in the Baltic. The scheme, which has received little attention in literature to date, was developed after the outbreak of World War I, in the autumn of 1914, by Captain 2nd Rank (Commander) Alexander Bubnov, an officer in the Staff of the Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Russian Army, Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolaevich. The article proposes an analysis of the assumptions of Bubnov’s scheme, the question of who it was inspired by, and discusses the reasons why the scheme was not implemented, also in the context of the cooperation between the Allies (Russia and Great Britain) at the beginning of the war.

10

System wspierania rodzin żołnierzy niemieckich w latach pierwszej wojny światowej na przykładzie Szczecina

72%

Szudarek A.

Zapiski Historyczne

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2018

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vol. 83

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issue 2

107-133

EN

The article was devoted to the system of supporting families of soldiers fighting on the front, which was set up in Szczecin – the main city of the Prussian Province of Pomerania. The system was based on the legislation introduced in the Reich at the end of the 19th century. The research aim is to look for the specific nature of the actions undertaken by the authorities of the city as against other cities which also launched such similarities. The first part of the article is devoted to the principles according to which the system of supporting families of soldiers was founded with particular emphasis on its significance for inhabitants of German towns. The second part of the article deals with the practical side of the system, in particular with the forms and organization of the assistance offered by the authorities of Szczecin. According to the regulations included in the legislation, the state guaranteed allowances to the wife, children and other family members maintained by a conscripted soldier, but certain conditions had to be fulfilled. Allowances were financed by the budgets of the communes and counties with a reservation that the sums assigned for this purpose would be returned to them from the central budget. In the first days of August the authorities of Szczecin started to pay out the allowances guaranteed by the regulation. They also decided to pay to families of soldiers optional city allowances, which, despite the fact of being provided for in the regulation, were not reimbursed by the state. Those allowances were complemented with additional forms of assistance financed by the special civil budget and the city military social care established at the end of August 1914. In terms of organization, the association referred to as the National Service of Women, set up in Szczecin upon the Berlin pattern in the first days of the war, played a major role. In practice, the legislators’ intention to introduce allowances financed by the state was not carried out. The financial aid was financed mainly from the communes’ budgets and they would not have supported soldiers’ families properly without the allowances financed by the city. Additionally, new regulations enforced from the beginning of 1916 converted the allowances into a form of social aid for families of soldiers from the lowest social strata.

DE

Der Artikel beschäftigt sich mit dem Unterstützungssystem für Familien von deutschen Frontsoldaten, wie es in Stettin, der Hauptstadt der preußischen Provinz Pommern, organisiert wurde. Dieses System stützte sich auf eine Gesetzgebung, die am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts im Reich eingeführt worden war. Das Forschungsziel ist die Suche nach den Besonderheiten beim Vorgehen der Behörden dieser Stadt vor dem Hintergrund anderer Stellen, die solche Maßnahmen durchführten. Der erste Teil des Artikels beschäftigt sich mit den Prinzipien, auf die sich das Unterstützungssystem für Soldatenfamilien gründete und zeigt dessen Bedeutung für die Einwohner deutscher Städte auf. Der zweite Teil befasst sich dagegen mit der praktischen Seite der Funktion dieses Systems, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Form und Organisation der Hilfe, die durch die Behörden in Stettin gewährt wurde. Nach den in der Gesetzgebung enthaltenen Richtlinien garantierte der Staat die Auszahlung einer Unterstützung für Ehefrau und Kinder sowie für andere Familienmitglieder, die von dem Einberufenen unterhalten wurden, allerdings nach Erfüllung von Bedingungen. Die Leistungen wurden aus den Etats der Gemeinden und Kreise finanziert, unter dem Vorbehalt, dass die für dieses Ziel bestimmten Summen von der Zentralkasse erstattet würden. Die Behörden von Stettin begannen schon in den ersten Augusttagen mit der Organisation der Auszahlung von Unterstützungen, wie sie im Gesetz garantiert waren. Sie entschieden sich auch für die Anweisung von städtischen Zulagen an Soldatenfamilien, die im Gesetz vorgesehen, aber fakultativ waren und für die es keine Rückerstattungen durch den Staat gab. Diese Leistungen wurden ergänzt durch zusätzliche Formen von Hilfe, die aus einem besonderen Bürgeretat finanziert wurden, den man schon Ende August 1914 eingerichtet hatte, sowie durch die städtische Kriegsfürsorge. Bei der Organisation des Systems spielte eine Gesellschaft mit dem Namen Nationaler Frauendienst eine große Rolle, die nach dem Muster Berlins in den ersten Tagen des Kriegs in Stettin gegründet wurde. Die Praxis zeigte, dass die Intention des Gesetzgebers bei der Einführung von Leistungen, die durch den Staat finanziert wurden, nicht umgesetzt wurde. Die Hilfe wurde in wesentlich größerem Maß aus der städtische Kasse finanziert und hätte ohne städtische Subventionen die Soldatenfamilien nicht wirklich unterstützt. Außerdem machten neue Vorschriften, die seit Anfang 1916 galten, aus den Leistungen eine Form von Sozialhilfe für Soldatenfamilien aus den untersten sozialen Schichten.

11

Aktywizacja polityczna społeczeństwa Pomorza Nadwiślańskiego w wyborach do Reichstagu 1871–1914

58%

Wierzchosławski S.

Zapiski Historyczne

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2018

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vol. 83

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issue 3

83-115

EN

The publication constitutes an analysis of the activation of Poles – citizens of the Kingdom of Prussia and the German Empire residing in the province of West Prussia (Eastern Pomerania) in the elections to the German parliament (Reichstag) in the 19th century (until 1914). On the one hand, it was demonstrated that every contemporary citizen of the German state had equal rights irrespective of their nationality; on the other hand, the author presented the process of shaping the national consciousness of Poles using the law to organize a network of their own electoral committees and elect their Polish representatives to the legislative institutions of that state, in the national rivalry with the German society in Eastern Pomerania. Statistically, a successive increase in activation in this area and its specific results in particular electoral districts were presented, depending not only on nationality statistics, but also on the organization of the electoral campaign and the level of the increasing social, national and political awareness. The article presents the organizational manifestations of the national independence of the Polish society of Eastern Pomerania, which was one of the basic factors justifying the inclusion of this region within the boundaries of the reborn Polish state.

DE

Die Publikation ist eine Analyse der Aktivierung der Polen im 19. Jahrhundert (bis 1914), der Bürger des Königreichs Preußen und des Deutschen Kaiserreichs, die in der Provinz Westpreußen (Pomorze Nadwiślańskie) wohnten, bei den Wahlen zum deutschen Parlament (Reichstag). Einerseits wird klar aufgezeigt, dass jeder damalige Bürger des deutschen Staats unabhängig von der Nationalität die gleichen Rechte hatte, andererseits wird jedoch der Prozess vorgestellt, bei dem sich das Nationalbewusstsein der Polen herausbildete, die dieses Recht ausnutzten, um ein Netz von eigenen Wahlkomitees und die Wahl von eigenen, polnischen Vertretern in die legislativen Institutionen dieses Staates zu organisieren, in nationaler Rivalität mit der deutschen Bevölkerung auf dem Gebiet von Weichselpommern. Aufgrund von Statistiken werden das langsame Wachstum der Aktivierung in diesem Zeitraum und seine konkreten Ergebnisse in den einzelen Wahlkreisen aufgezeigt, nicht nur in Abhängigkeit von der Nationalitäten-Statistik, sondern auch von Organisation der Wahlaktion und dem Niveau des wachsenden sozialen, nationalen und politischen Bewusstseins. Der Artikel zeigt den organisatorischen Ausdruck der nationalen Selbstständigkeit der polnischen Bevölkerung von Weichselpommern, die eine der wesentlichen Trümpfe darstellte, mit denen sich die Einfügung dieser Region in die Grenzen des wiedererstandenen polnischen Staats begründen ließ.

12

Национальное самосознание и интеграционные процессы лужицких сербов в Германской империи

58%

Matelski D.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

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2014

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vol. 1(6)

216-240

EN

The Slavs came from the steppes of Eastern Europe to Balkan Peninsula in the firsthalf of the 1st millennium A.D. At the turn of the 6th century some of the tribes,looking for new places to settle, arrived at the area between the Elbe and Oder– occupying an area abandoned by Germanic tribes, who moved to the ScandinavianPeninsula – and were called Wends. Southern Slavs invaded and settledin Lusatia and reached the Saale. In the middle of the 9th century there were almost 50 Slavic settlements in Lusatia under the rule of Prince Derwan, an ally of Samo. At the turn of the 10th century, the Sorbs came under the influence of the Great Moravia (822–895), which adopted Christianity as early as the 9th century(831), and then Bohemia (895–1018), and from 1002 Poland (Christian since 965) tried to take control over the area. Boleslaw I of Poland invaded Lusatia and won it in the Peace of Bautzen (1018). In the Reformation period, Sorbian peasants and common people massively supported the teachings of Martin Luther, although he was opposed to translating the Bible into Slavic. Evangelicalism proved to be beneficial for the Sorbian national culture. It influenced its revival and strengthening. The University of Wittenberg became Sorbian cultural center, with its rector between years 1559–1576 being a doctor of Sorbian origin – Kasper Pauker from Bautzen. What strengthened the Sorbian national identity at the turn of the 19th century was the activity of Moravian Church (seeking to transform Lutheranism in people’s church), which was then settled in Upper Lusatia in Herrnhut, Niesky and Kleinwelka. At the turn of the 20th century the number of Sorbs in Germany decreased to about 157 000 people, out of whom as many as 10 100 lived outside Lusatia (including 4147 in Saxony – but without Lower Lusatia, 2687 in Westphal ia, 1521 in Rhineland, 847 in Berlin and 898 in other areas of the German Empire). The language widely used in Lusatia was Sorbian with its Lower and Upper dialect. The basis of the national activities of the Sorbs in Germany was “Serbian House” founded on 26 September 1904 in Bautzen to serve as a library, museum, bank, bookshop and publisher. The outbreak of World War I in the summer of 1914 gave hope to the Slavs to establish their own countries.

RU

Славяне пришли из степей Восточной Европы на Балканский полуостров в первой половине тысячелетия после рождества Христова. В конце пятого и шестого веков некоторые из этих племен, ища новых мест для поселения, прибыли в районе между Эльбой и Одрой – занимая территорию заброшенную германскими племенами, которые переселились в Скандинавский полуостров – и назывались Вендами (Sorben). Южные славяне вторглись и поселился в Лужице и достигли реки Зале [Saale]. В Лужице (южное Полабье) в середине девятого века были почти 50 славянских городов, которых правитель, князь Дерван, признавал начальство Государства Само. А в конце девятого и десятого веков сербы нашлись под влиянием Великоморавской державы (822–895) – которая приняла христианство еще в девятом веке (831) и чешской (895–1018) – а с 1002 польское государство (христианское с 965 г.) пыталось взять контроль над территорией. Болеслав Храбрый отправлялся в Лужицу и получил их в Будишинском мире (1018). В период Реформации лужицкие крестьяне и городские плебеи массово высказались в пользу учения Евангелизм – это оказалась полезным для лужицкой национальной культуры. Он повлиял на возрождение и укрепление. Центром лужицкой культуры стал университет в Виттенберге, ректором которого в годы 1559–1576 был врач лужицкого происхождения Каспер Паукериз Баутцен. На укрепление лужицкого национального самосознания на рубеже восемнадцатого и девятнадцатого веков влияние имела деятельность братьев моравских (стремящихся превратить лютеранство в народную церковь), поселившихся в Верхней Лужицы в Охранове, Нижнем и Малом Велкове. На рубеже веков число лужичан в Германии снизилось до примерно 157 000 человек, из которых больше чем 10 100 проживали за пределами Лужицы (из которых 4147 в Саксонии – но без Нижней Лужицы, 2687 в Вестфалии, 1521 в Рейнланде, 847 в Берлине и 898 в других областях имперского германского рейха). На Лужице широко использовался лужицкий язык, прежде всего диалекты нижний и верхнелужицкий. Основой национальных деятельности лужичан в Германии был основан в 26 сентября 1904, в Баутцене – «Сербский дом», в котором находились библиотека, музей, народный банк, библиотека, издательство и типография. Начало пер вой мировой войны летом 1914 года было для славян надеждой на создание своего собственного национального государства.

13

Nützliche Bundesgenossen für die deutsche Heeresleitung? Bogdan Graf von Hutten-Czapskis Denkschrift von 1892 über die Lage in Russisch-Polen im Kontext ihrer Entstehung

58%

Grawe L.

Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy

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2023

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vol. XXIV(LXXV)

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issue 3(285)

186-231

EN

Bogdan Graf von Hutten-Czapski’s memorandum regarding the conditions in the Russian partition fuelled hopes in the leadership circles of the German Empire that the Polish population would side with Germany in the event of war with Russia, and thus significantly facilitate the entry of German troops. The PolishGerman nobleman was far from initiating an agreement between the Germans and the Poles, but the possibility of German concessions seemed quite likely in the early 1890s. This „thaw” in Polish-German relations, however, was short-lived. It is also visible how much the German command, centered around the Prussian Chief of the General Staff, Alfred von Schlieffen, was interested in intra-Polish disputes. Hutten-Czapski bluntly described the harsh depolonization measures of the tsarist administration and thus showed the potential for conflict east of the Vistula, which the German Reich could have exploited. Schlieffen was so impressed that he sent Hutten-Czapski further questionnaires to assess the mood in the Russian partition.

PL

Memorandum Bogdana Grafa von Hutten-Czapskiego w sprawie sytuacji w zaborze rosyjskim podsyciło w kręgach decyzyjnych Cesarstwa Niemieckiego nadzieje na to, że ludność polska stanie po stronie niemieckiej w przypadku wojny z Rosją, a tym samym znacznie ułatwi wkroczenie wojsk niemieckich. Polsko- -niemiecki szlachcic był daleki od propozycji zainicjowania porozumienia między Niemcami a Polakami, ale możliwość niemieckich ustępstw wydawała się całkiem prawdopodobna na początku lat dziewięćdziesiątych XIX w. Ta „odwilż” w stosunkach polsko-niemieckich była jednak krótkotrwała. Widać również, jak bardzo niemieckie dowództwo, skupione wokół pruskiego szefa sztabu generalnego Alfreda von Schlieffena, interesowało się wewnątrzpolskimi sporami. Hutten-Czapski bez ogródek opisał surowe środki depolonizacyjne carskiej administracji i tym samym pokazał potencjał konfliktu w kraju na wschód od Wisły, który Rzesza Niemiecka mogła wykorzystać. Schlieffen był pod takim wrażeniem, że wysłał Hutten-Czapskiemu kolejne kwestionariusze w celu oceny nastrojów w zaborze rosyjskim.

DE

Hutten-Czapskis Denkschrift über die Zustände in Russisch-Polen nährte in den Führungszirkeln des Deutschen Kaiserreichs die Hoffnungen, die polnische Bevölkerung werde sich im Falle eines deutsch-russischen Krieges auf die deutsche Seite stellen und so den Vormarsch deutscher Truppen erheblich begünstigen. Das Anliegen des deutsch-polnischen Adeligen, einen Ausgleich zwischen Deutschen und Polen zu initiieren, lag zwar nach wie vor in weiter Ferne, doch schien ein deutsches Entgegenkommen Anfang der 1890er-Jahre durchaus möglich zu sein. Dieser „Frühling” in den deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen war indes nur von kurzer Dauer. Sichtbar wird zudem, welch großes Interesse die deutsche Heerführung um den preußischen Generalstabschef Alfred von Schlieffen den innerpolnischen Auseinandersetzungen entgegenbrachte. Hutten-Czapski schilderte die harten Depolonisierungsmaßnahmen der zarischen Verwaltung ungeschminkt und zeigte so das Konfliktpotenzial im Land östlich der Weichsel auf, das sich das Deutsche Reich zunutze machen konnte. Schlieffen zeigte sich derart beeindruckt, dass er Hutten-Czapski weitere Fragenkataloge zukommen ließ, um die Stimmung in Russisch-Polen evaluieren zu können.

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