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Central European Papers
|
2016
|
vol. 4
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issue 2
25–37
EN
Two decades of existence of the First Czechoslovak Republic (CSR) were a time of adaptation of its citizens to the flow of changes, which affected all aspects of political, economic and social life. As a consequence of democratic political system, inhabitants of Czechoslovakia could actively participate in political activities in the Republic. Shortly after establishment of CSR, a number of political parties were founded, including associations representing ethnic minorities. In Slovakia, the most numerous minority was the Hungarian one and next to it the German minority. Similarly like the Slovak majority, also these ethnic groups were represented by several political parties, which associated themselves either with a coalition of ruling parties, or stayed in opposition. The paper analyzes the political development of German minority parties in Slovakia during the existence of the inter-war CSR. The attention is focused upon the differences of political orientation of two major German settlements in Slovakia – the Germans living in Bratislava and its surroundings and German community in the region of Spiš. Whereas the Carpathian German Party, which held a dominant position in Bratislava since its inception at the close of twenties, aspired to be a sole representative of German minority in Slovakia, the Spiš German Party was the most influential in the region of Spiš. Despite being a political representative of overwhelming majority of German minority members in Spiš, it pursued a pro-Hungarian policy and closely cooperated with Hungarian opposition parties. The Spiš German Party refused any form of cooperation with the Carpathian German Party, which during the second half of thirties became a part of the Sudeten German Party and took an active role in spreading of Nazi ideology in Slovakia.
EN
The article is an analysis of the pilot version of empirical research which was carried out in two groups — Polish people and the minority of Germans which lives in Poland. Research was done in 2013. Almost one hundred responders answered questions in an online survey. The main goal of this study was to point out some characteristics of these two societies and to see how they create their own identity and how they see each other — what are their images. The categorization of answers gave two different images of communities which have some specific and unique characteristics and values.
EN
Since 1989 the German minority in Opole Silesia has developed a strong organisation with the well‑conducted structures in whole region. Generally speaking, its associations have brought together Silesian people who declared theirs German origins. The activities of this minority have a social and cultural dimension, but also a significant political aspect. Its leaders have become professional politicians and are present at all levels of polish political life: local, regional and even national. Despite the fact that this is the strongest national minority in Poland, its representatives in polish parliament are less and less numerous. During the campaign preceding the parliamentary election in 2011 the leaders of German minority revealed their intention to open their electoral proposal to all inhabitants of Opole voivodeship.
EN
No Austrians in South Tyrol? Why the German-speaking community in Italy’s South Tyrol (Alto Adige) province is not usually called an Austrian minorityThe article discusses the question why the German-speakers in Northern Italy’s South Tyrol province are only very rarely referred to as an Austrian minority, in spite of the fact that they were split off from Austria, and not Germany, in the aftermath of World War I. An analysis of the naming of German-speaking South Tyroleans in German, Austrian, Italian and English-speaking news media, which demonstrates a preference for terms such as “German-speaking minority” or “German minority” over “Austrian minority and equivalents, is followed by a discussion of three hypotheses to account for the situation. The author shows how the question of how to name the German-speaking South Tyroleans is closely intertwined with the issue of Austrian national identity and its re-orientation away from Germany in the aftermath of the Second World War. The author comes to the conclusion that the minority is not usually referred to as Austrian both due to the fact that it is difficult to include them in the young (civic) Austrian nation in a logically consistent manner, and due to the German-speaking South Tyroleans’ own inconsistent self-identification as Austrians. Nie ma Austriaków w Tyrolu Południowym? Dlaczego niemieckojęzyczna wspólnota we włoskiej prowincji Tyrol Południowy (Alto Adige) zwykle nie jest nazywana mniejszością austriackąArtykuł podejmuje kwestię, dlaczego niemieckojęzyczna ludność północnowłoskiej prowincji Tyrol Południowy rzadko bywa nazywana mniejszością austriacką, pomimo tego że w efekcie I wojny światowej odłączona została ona od Austrii, a nie od Niemiec. Analiza nazewnictwa odnoszonego do niemieckojęzycznej ludności Tyrolu Południowego, które występuje w informacyjnych środkach przekazu: niemiecko-, austriacko-, włosko- i anglojęzycznych pozwala stwierdzić, że preferowane są określenia takie jak „mniejszość niemieckojęzyczna” lub „mniejszość niemiecka”, zamiast „mniejszość austriacka” i terminy ekwiwalentne. Następnie omówione został trzy hipotezy mogące wyjaśnić tę sytuację. Autor ukazuje, jak ściśle współzależą od siebie kwestia nazewnictwa niemieckojęzycznej ludności Tyrolu Południowego i kwestia austriackiej tożsamości narodowej oraz jej odchodzenia od Niemiec w następstwie II wojny światowej. Autor dochodzi do wniosku, że omawiana tu mniejszość zwykle nie jest uznawana za austriacką zarówno z tego powodu, iż trudno jest umiejscowić ją w młodym (obywatelskim) narodzie austriackim w sposób logicznie konsekwentny, jak i z racji własnej niekonsekwentnej samoidentyfikacji niemieckojęzycznych Tyrolczyków Południowych jako Austriacy.
PL
Narodowy Spis powszechny Ludności i mieszkań z 2011 r. był drugim w kolejności spisem (po NSP z 2002 ) w którym badano skład narodowo –etniczny ludności Polski. Nowa metodologia spisu i nowy układ pytań spowodował iż prezentowane dane nie są (jeszcze) dostatecznie precyzyjne. Generalnie liczba ludności deklarującej dane opcje niepolskie istotnie wzrosła, przede wszystkim z uwagi na bardzo duże przyrosty liczby ludności śląskiej i kaszubskiej. W związku z przyjętą, nową metodologią spisu pojawiły się także nowe możliwości interpretacji danych, zwłaszcza na styku afiliacji do dwóch grup (także językowych) typu: Ślązak-Polak, Niemiec-Polak, Kaszub-Polak. W chwili obecnej prowadzone są analizy struktur demograficznych wybranych grup narodowych, ich lokalizacji w przestrzeni Polski, na poziomie poszczególnych powiatów. Kierunek tych prac związany jest m.in. z rozpoznaniem uwarunkowań rozwoju regionalnego ze względu na zróżnicowanie demograficzne wyróżnionych subpopulacji.
EN
The 2011 National Census of population and housing was the second census (after the 2002 census) in which the national and ethnic composition of Poland was examined. The new census methodology and order of questions resulted in data that are not yet sufficiently precise. Generally, the number of people declaring non-Polish origins significantly increased, mostly because of very large increases in the Silesian and Kashubian population. According to the new census methodology, new possibilities of data interpretation occurred, mainly as two groups (which are distinct language groups as well) such as: Silesian-Polish, German-Polish, Kashub-Polish met each other at the affiliation point. At the moment analyses of the demographic structures of selected national groups and their localization in Poland are conducted at the level of individual districts (counties). The course of those researches is connected to aspects which include recognition of spatial development conditions in consideration of the demographic differentiation of distinguished subpopulations.
EN
The article explores the differences between a legal definition of minorities and membership require- ments presented by possible members of the German minority. The issue is investigated through Membership Categorisation Analysis (MCA) of narrative interviews of people of German heritage from the Opole region (Upper Silesia, Poland). The analysis is followed by a comparison of the findings with the minority definition of the Polish Minority Act. The MCA of the statements made by the respondents shows that the characteristics and activities associated with members of the German minority are structured to varying degrees along the topics: membership in minority associations, age, language skills, reflection on the (unofficial) family history, nationality and regionality, as well as the individual decision to belong. Accordingly, the aspects of membership, the individual decision as well as the regional affiliation identified in the statements made by the respondents are added to the Minority Act definition. The original value of the article is threefold. Firstly, the article represents a change of perspective in researching the German minority by applying the concept of belonging. Instead of assuming a homogeneous identity of a person or group, belonging is perceived as heterogeneous (related to the collective) and multidimensional (related to the individual). Accordingly, the article analyses statements made by people of German heritage, instead of using an ethnic categorization prior to analysis. Secondly, MCA is applied from the perspective of belonging, thus making discrepancies, contradictions and overlaps of belonging visible. Thirdly, the results of the analysis are put into practice by comparing them with the definition in the Polish Minority Act. The presentation of the differences and similarities of the definitions of people of German heritage themselves, in comparison to the national legislation, provides important impulses for the adaptation of minority and language policy at the national, regional, and internal level of the minority organisations.
EN
The article deals with the condition of German minority in Śląsk Opolski since the political system transformation in 1989 up until today. The author focuses on the most important aspects: coexistence within the voivodeship, legistation aimed at regulating the status of minorities in Poland, the characteristics of political, social, cultural, and educational activity. Culture and education and two pillar areas on which the activity of both the leaders and members of a given minority is built on. The presence of German minority cannot be overlooked. Those above-mentioned types of activity are key issues in characterizing the German minority.
EN
The aim of the article is a study into legal instruments for minority protection from discrimination in public space based on ethnic or national origin. As an example a case study of a phrase „concealed German option” and its consequences for German minority and Silesian ethnic group is used. The research question is as follows: how legal instruments for protection from discriminatory language in public space are shaped in relation to non-dominant groups with diverse legal status? The hypothesis assumes, that legal status of the group have a significant meaning for protection from discrimination of the group as a whole, but also for individuals who belong to the group from actions degrading human dignity. The structure of the article encompasses an introduction to the situation of German minority in Poland and Silesian ethnic group, legal documents analysis and analysis of the social and political circumstances of functioning of both groups in public space. The conclusion states, that both German minority and Silesian ethnic group are discriminated in public space, what is especially related to limitations of the right to cultivate and manifest one's own identity. Despite this situation, existing legal instruments are not enough to change it, furthermore – their today's application only deepens the problem.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zbadanie narzędzi ochrony grup mniejszościowych przed dyskryminacją w przestrzeni publicznej ze względu na pochodzenie etniczne lub narodowe. Jako przykład posłuży studium przypadku określenia „ukryta opcja niemiecka” i jego konsekwencje dla mniejszości niemieckiej i śląskiej grupy etnicznej. Pytanie badawcze zostało ujęte w następujący sposób: jak kształtują się instrumenty ochrony prawnej przed dyskryminującym językiem w przestrzeni publicznej w odniesieniu do grup niedominujących o różnym statusie prawnym? Struktura artykułu obejmuje wprowadzenie do problematyki mniejszości niemieckiej w Polsce oraz śląskiej grupy etnicznej, analizę aktów prawnych oraz kontekstu społeczno-politycznego funkcjonowania obu wymienionych grup w przestrzeni publicznej. Konkluzjaartykułu wskazuje, że zarówno mniejszość niemiecka, jak i śląska grupa etniczna w przestrzeni publicznej podlegają różnorakim przejawom dyskryminacji, związanej przede wszystkim z ograniczaniem prawa do kultywowania i manifestowania swej tożsamości. Mimo to istniejące instrumenty prawne nie wystarczają, by zmienić ten stan rzeczy, co więcej – aktualne ich stosowanie jedynie go pogłębia.
EN
Both German minority in Poland and Polonia in Germany constitute undoubtedly – along with the history, geographical location and common membership of the Republic of Poland’s and German Federal Republic’s to EU and NATO – one of more important determinants of relations between both states. As to the issue of execution of rights of Germans in Poland and Polonia in German the breakthrough took place as a result of signing Treaty on good neighborhood and friendly cooperation on 17.06.1991. On both sides though there are the charges formulated about the lack of full execution of the Treaty provisions. The subject of controversy is, on the one hand, their status – inequality of terminology used in the Treaty on good neighborhood and friendly cooperation, precisely the lack of term “Polish minority” with regard to Polonia in Germany, which is the result of not recognizing of Poles as the national minority by the Germans. On the other hand there are divergences in the views on the state of execution of the rights of both groups (especially rights of Polonia in Germany), including, among others, inadequate funds, compared to the needs, spent on their activities. Asymmetry in executing of rights of Polonia in Germany on the one hand and ten times less numerous German minority in Poland on the other hand, still exists. Since 2010 these disproportions have been the topic of bilateral talks at the governmental level as well as the talks between those interested ones within the framework of so called Round Table.
EN
The paper focusses on the activity of the Institute of Homeland Research (Institut für Heimatforschung) in Kežmarok which was supposed to research the history and culture of the German minority in Slovakia. From its foundation in 1941 until its dissolution in 1944, the Institute was administered by the German Party (Deutsche Partei) in Slovakia, and it fulfilled both scholarly and political tasks. The author focussed on the work by the German ethnographer Hertha Wolf-Beranek, a member of the National Socialist Workers’ Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) and research fellow at the Kežmarok Institute in 1942–1943. The author tried to explain how the scholarly and the ideological objectives in science mixed in the peak period of non-democratic regimes during World War II in Central Europe. The empiric data, used in the paper, come from documents stored at the German Archives of the Institute of Ethnology and Social Anthropology of the SAS and at other domestic and foreign archives. The author analysed the case from the perspective of the relationship between science, ideology, and political power.
EN
Literature on the German minority in the Second Republic of Poland shows this community to be diverse in terms of social status as well as economic and cultural position, and as a result with a different attitude to the newly nascent Polish state. The article deals with the issue of the identity of the German population in Poland by scrutinizing ways of defining one’s own group and the group of others in the press coverage of the German minority in Poland with special emphasis on the role of stereotypes in the process of group creation and consolidation. An analysis of the press content in terms of presented criteria for defining one’s own group and modes of perceiving the Polish and Jewish population allows to draw conclusions pertaining not only to the identity of the German population but also its internal dynamism. It is noticeable that although at the beginning differences between regions (caused by the period of Poland’s partition) were the main influence on the way one’s own identity and role in the new state were defined, later on differences originating in political views gained prominence. The reasons of this change include intensified contacts within the German population as well as the policy of the German and Polish states towards it.
EN
The article presents the analysis of selected aspects of the activity of the German minority, i.e. the socio-demographic structure of the German minority associations in areas of northern Poland after 1989 and national-ethnic autoidentification of its leaders. So far, the German minority in the Gdańsk Pomerania was treated as a background or supplement of analyses concerning the associations operating in other regions of Poland. By contrast, in this article the German minority in northern Poland is the subject of the research. On the basis of results obtained in in-depth sociological studies, the author describes the preset state and functioning of the German minority in the Gdańsk Pomerania. Thereby, she fills the gap in the previous analyses related to positions occupied by people of German descent.
EN
The paper presents the show trial of members of German minority in postwar West Pomerania, who cooperated with West German Evangelical charity organization – Kirchendienst Ost. The trial was a staged propaganda spectacle serving the goals of the communist authorities.
EN
The major goal of this paper is characterising German education in Legnica in relation to the education of this minority after WWII. Before the second half of the 1950s, Lower Silesia was home to the biggest German diaspora in Poland while Legnica was a significant location on the map of German settlement. In addition, it hosted one of the largest schools with German language; along with a similar institution in Wrocław, it was one of two oldest institutions of this type in Poland. The first part of this paper analyses the social and political situation of the German population in Poland after WWII. The second part describes the characteristics of the diaspora’s education, and the third part discusses the education of the German population in post-war Legnica.
EN
The article covers the activity of the German minority in area around Zielona Góra from the 1990suntil today. The activity of the German Social Cultural Society in Zielona Góra has been presented. The author emphasized the wide range of activities of the Society, e.g. the educational actions, which promote the Lubusz Voivodeship as well as its cooperation with other institutions. The cultural activity of the German minority has been described, e.g. based on the magazine “Grünsberger Monatsblatt”.
PL
Autor w prezentowanym artykule próbuje ukazać kontrastujące elementy relacji przedstawione przez różnych autorów, przy różnych okazjach społecznych odnoszących się do skomplikowanych relacji lokalnych polityków i ich następstw w środowisku lokalnym. Prezentowany przypadek opisuje sytuację społeczności lokalnej małego śląskiego miasteczka rządzonego przez 12 lat przez burmistrza wywodzącego się z mniejszości niemieckiej. Decyzja o nadaniu imienia Śląskich Noblistów Polsko-Niemieckiej Szkole Podstawowej przyczyniła się do silnej krystalizacji antagonizmu w środowisku lokalnym. Uważna analiza biografii noblistów ukazała, że jeden z nich wg opinii polskich mieszkańców badanej społeczności był zbrodniarzem wojennym. Projekt nadania szkole imienia Noblistów został powstrzymany ponieważ kandydatura jednego z nich (Fritza Habera) została zakwestionowana. Taka decyzja została podjęta pomimo tego, że popiersie Fritza Habera zostało uhonorowane na wystawie Wielkich Ludzi Wrocławia przez władze lokalne tego miasta.
EN
The author attempts in the paper to show how contrastive elements of stories told by various actors on various occasions may be linked together in order to show the complicate relationships between the local politics and wider and further issues. The case describes situation of small Silesian town where major coming from significant German minority ruled for 12 years. The decision to name the Polish-German school after the Silesian Nobel Prize winners strongly defended against the resistance on part of Polish politicians had led to the crystallization of Polish-German antagonism at the local level. The careful analysis of the biographies of the Nobelists led to discovery of one who was war criminal. The project of naming the school was stopped though the man in question (Fritz Haber) was only one among the dozen or so Nobelists and despite the fact that in the city of Wroclaw, where there is no active German minority the bust of Fritz Haber was exhibited by the local authorities in the Gallery of Great Wroclaw People.
EN
The article German minority in Ukraine. An outline of history is a synthetic work dedicated to the history of German colonization of Ukrainian territories, with special focus on the “Golden Age” of German colonization in southern Ukraine during the reign of Tzarina Catherine II, and the interwar period. The paper presents the population size, distribution, and social structure of German minority, as well as aspects related to the assessment of the assimilation process. The article is based primarily on Ukrainian source compilations and archive materials. It also contains a short description of the current status of German minority in the independent Ukraine.
EN
The article discusses the situation of the descendants of the Germans from Lodz, their lifestyle and attitude to their own heritage and roots. It also shows how the Lodz authorities commemorate the multi-ethnic past of the city, and what is the contemporary Lodzians’ level of knowledge of the German community living in the city nowadays. The materials and data used in the article were collected in 2009–2010 in the course of the research sponsored by the Town Council of Lodz. In its first part, the article focuses on the town’s memory policy and the inter-cultural relations, which have taken place there over the years between Germans and other communities, as seen from the perspective of local Germans. The second part of the article analyses how the local German community is perceived by the Polish inhabitants of Lodz, and to what extent their image is influenced by stereotypical concepts of the Germans in general. It seems that Lodz inhabitants’ knowledge on the post-war situation of German minority in their city is very poor. It appeared that the majority of interlocutors did not express their opinions on local Germans, but on the Germans in general. Direct questions about Lodz Germans caused associations mainly connected with the times of “The Promised Land’’ – the period in history when German settlers created and stood for the “Industrial Empire’’ in Lodz. Sadly, the Lodzians’ awareness of the contemporary German minority living in Lodz was marginal. What is interesting though, both examined age groups: the older one (Lodzians born between 1945 and 1960) and the youngest one (those born in 1989–1990) responded similarly. The lack of knowledge of the younger people who indicated school as their source of information, alarmed the authors and pointed their attention to the relation between this fact and the existing educational system. To conclude this part of research, it can be stated that the school education in the town taking pride in its long-term multi-cultural tradition is on very low level. It is definitely insufficient in terms of teaching the young generation both the history and present life of all the ethnic minorities, in particular German one, living side by side with them.
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