Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 11

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  Goths
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
In his New History, Zosimus narrates that some time before 324, Sarmatian warriors led by king Rausimod and coming from an area near the Sea of Azov, had crossed the Danube and laid waste to Roman territory before being pursued by Constantine and utterly destroyed on barbarian soil. I argue that their home was probably the Bosporan kingdom, which was then largely Sarmatian in its culture, and that the province which suffered from their incursion was Scythia minor, and not Moesia or even Pannonia, as scholarly accounts tend to claim. Other Sarmatian attacks on the Danubian frontier, recorded by the poet Optatianus, and a Gothic invasion, mentioned by the Origo Constantini imperatoris, were in all probability different events and should not be conflated with Rausimod’s Sarmatian invasion, although the king himself may have been a Goth or a Sarmatian with a Gothic name. The year of both invasions seems to be 323, the Gothic invasion preceding the Sarmatian one. On the verge of the civil war, Constantine encroached upon Licinius’ territory to destroy Rausimod, to defy Licinius, and to show the world that he was now in control of the whole Danubian frontier.
EN
Archaeological investigations of the Gothic culture in the Hrubieszów Basin started in 1977. From the very beginning, they attracted great interest of the local community. In 2002, after the excavations were declared officially over, the residents of Masłomęcz, together with the archaeologists, local self-authorities, NGOs and the Hrubieszów Museum, decided to take advantage of the archaeological heritage to build a local identity. As a result of many activities and bottom-up initiatives of the residents of Masłomęcz, a historical reconstruction group wasestablished, followed by the Goths’ Village open-air museum, which combines educational, tourism, and scientific functions
XX
The article deals with the oldest Goth images of death and funerary rituals. Apart from the archaeological sources connected with the Wielbark culture of the Roman period, their important documentation is also made by some relics of the Gothic language. Using a comparative approach, some discussions and ethnologic commentaries were provided for the following Gothic terms: death and dead people (maurþrjan: to kill, to murder; ga-swiltan: to die; diwan: to die; dauþs: dead; naus: a body, a corpse); ritual accessories and actions (ƕilftrjom: a bed of the dead; gaunoþus, hiufan, flokan: mourning over the dead; starua: funerary feast; ga-nawistron: to bury the dead); sepulchral objects (hlaiw; hlaiwasnōs: a tomb in a form of a cavity in the ground, a sepulchral cave; aurahjōn/s; aurahi: an embankment, a clay layer forming a barrow, a tomb); witches - necromancers, probably responsible for disassembling remains of the dead (halirunna: a witch practicing witchcraft over tombs). Moreover, the reasons for the Wielbark culture taboo that forbade to put weapons and working tools into the tombs were discussed. What makes the equipment of the Wielbark culture toms is mainly jewellery made of noble metals. The names of Gothic finery refer to the image of a snake, an underground reptile, that is associated with tombs and death in the mythology and poetic phasing. Shapes of the finery discovered by archaeologists (bracelets, finger rings, some hairgrips) resemble the snake. Gothic funerary customs relate to old Indo-European rites, e.g.: the image of paradise as a pasture for the dead; however, they also include Germanic and Celtic topics, e.g.: a journey of the dead to ‘the other world’ on a boat or a cart. In the Bible translated by Ulfilas, there are no images of hell, punishment for the guilt, nor the idea of resurrection, which proves that the Goths did not have their analogies to the eschatological ideas of Christianity.
XX
The article is an attempt at interpreting a peculiar burial practice noted by archaeologists in the Wielbark culture, attributed to the Germanic Goths. In the first centuries AD on the territories of present-day northern and eastern Poland, graves contained jewellery, while weapons and tools were avoided. The visible contrast between silver jewellery and iron objects may correspond to certain social and mythological classifications. The author, using an anthropological structuralist analysis, puts forward the hypothesis that there was a taboo that stemmed from identifying the signs of masculinity, warlike spirit, and using weapons with life and openness. Objects associated with femininity, such as jewellery, may have been linked to the ‘other world’, the hidden funerary space. The contrast in question was an effect of political events involving Germanic tribes and a reflection of old mythical values concerning warriors, women, metallurgists, and objects associated with them.
EN
Archaeological research on the pottery production of the Goths communities is being developed successively. This mainly applies to the Wielbark and Chernyakhov cultures and related groups. The article is devoted to the names of vessels and containers in the Gothic language. The basis of the research is the Gothic Bible by Ulfila. This lexicon contains the names of pottery vessels (kas, digan, aurkeis), clay paste (þaho), potter (diʒulaz), names of vessels made of glass (stikls) and metal (ƕair, katils, mes). The latter were imported items and therefore belong to the layer of later borrowings. The names describing organic containers are the most durable. They show the most similarities with other Germanic languages. They have an established Indo-European etymology. The article contains hypotheses concerning the correlation between linguistic and archaeological data. Organic containers used in the household had stable and archaic terminology. They were common, made for a long time, although they are not often discovered by archaeologists. Imported vessels, made of rare raw materials, served to display prestige and belonged to luxury goods. They were a sign of a lifestyle adopted by local elite. The Goths passed metal and glass vessels along with their names to other peoples, mainly to the Balts and the Slavs. They played the role of intermediaries in the transmission of cultural goods from the territories of the Roman provinces to the areas of eastern Barbaricum.
EN
Organization of the armies of the barbarian states that emerged on the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea in the 5th and 6th centuries can only partially be recon­structed. Primary sources and archeological records vary depending on the state. The preserved evidence relating to the military power of the Vandals and Goths is relatively good, much less is known about the Svevs. All of the discussed barbar­ian armies were presumably grouped into units based on ten. Better insight can only be provided into the top military ranks. An interesting issue presented in the thesis is to what degree the former tribal structures were preserved and how far the Roman models were followed by the barbaric people. None of the armies of the kingdoms referred to above can fully be compared with the Germanic army that existed in the north of the Medieval Europe, which inevitably leads to sub­stantive errors. All the foregoing kingdoms had armies mostly composed of native warriors which, however, did not guarantee their purely Germanic character. The author tries to determine to what extent the Roman population or inhabitants of certain provinces, e.g. the Moors joined the military organizations of kingdoms under the Germanic rule. Examples of the Roman officers and commanders who sought carrier in the Gothic army or representatives of subdued nations serving in the Vandals’ navy or auxiliaries encourage to perform further study in this field.
7
51%
EN
In De gubernatione Dei, Salwian of Marseilles assesses barbarians in a negative and positive manner. One might even get the impression that Salwian delivers a eulogy in honor of the barba- rians. The knowledge which Salwian communicates about the subject of barbarians is general in character, even sketchy. This knowledge comes from a certain rhetorical and literary canon, which was circulated at that time. Salwian does not give any more information on the topic of the barbarians directly from him. Although Salwian specifies the negative characteristics of individual barbarous nations, he is not especially interested in showing a negative image of them. Salwian shows barbarians in a rhetorical contrast to Roman Catholics. The pagan or Arian barbarians are portrayed in many cases as better than Roman Catholics and their guilt is shown to be lesser.
Vox Patrum
|
1983
|
vol. 4
125-159
EN
Der vorligende Artikel beruht auf einem während des "Baloanicum I" in Poznań gehaltenen Referat, das aus Anlass des in diesem Jahr begangenen 1600 Todestages Wulfilas weiter ausgebaut wurde.
DE
Zusammenfassung: Während der Stufe B2/C1-C1a brachen die Siedlungsstrukturen der Przeworsk-Kultur in der Lublinerlandes zusammen. Bei der Untersuchung der Zeit der Errichtung von Gräberfelder und Siedlungen und der Dauer ihrer Nutzung wurde gezeigt, dass es in drei unterschiedlichen Subregionen (Nordwest, West und Ost – siehe Karten) grundlegende Unterschiede gibt. Sie haben Bedingungen, die durch die Zugänglichkeit der Gebiete bestimmt sind, die in der vorrömischen Eisenzeit von der Czarniczyn-Gruppe besetzt waren, und durch das Tempo der Wielbark-Kultur in der Römischen Kaiserzeit. Die am längsten andauernde Besiedlung fand in der Subregion I (A2-B2/C1-C1a) statt. In der Subregion II hat es einen Beginn zu Beginn der Stufe B2 (möglicherweise im späten B1) und dauerte bis zur Stufe B2/C1-C1. In der Subregion III tritt die Przeworsk-Kultur nach einer in die jüngere vorrömische Eisenzeit fallenden Episode der Durchdringung der Bevölkerung der Przeworsk-Kultur in den Stufen B2/C1-C1 auf. Bei der Untersuchung der Deponierung römischer Münzen können wir annehmen, dass sie, wahrscheinlich im Hinblick auf die Bedrohung durch die umherziehenden Goten, zwischen 193 und 218 n. Chr. (Wahrscheinlich kurz nach dieser Zeit) versteckt waren, da das jüngste Datum die jüngste Münze aus der Hortfund in Spiczyn angibt.
EN
The downfall of the settlement structure of Przeworsk culture in the Lublin region happened during chronological phases B2/C1-C1a. In course of the research concerning the time of formation of cemeteries, settlements and their duration of use, it was proved, that each of three settlement regions (north-western, western and eastern – see at the maps) displays certain unique features. Those differences are motivated by the accessibility of the Czerniczyn group in the pre-Roman period and the speed of Wielbark culture spread in the Roman period. The most long-term duration of the settlement was recorded in subregion I (A2-B2/C1-C1a). In subregion II it begins with phase B2 (possibly – end of phase B1) and lasts until the phase B2/C1-C1. In subregion III, after the episode of Przeworsk culture influx, that happened in the younger pre-Roman Period, Przeworsk culture appears in phases B2/C1-C1. The research of hoards of Roman coins allows us to suppose, that they were deposited in times of danger provoked by the migration of Goths in the years 193-218 A.D. (supposedly shortly after those events), as the latter date is indicated on the coin found in hoard from Spiczyn.
PL
Na terenach zajmowanych w okresie rzymskim przez kultury archeologiczne czerniachowską i wielbarską, w tym na obszarach wschodniej i północnej Polski, występują stosunkowo liczne znaleziska rzymskich aureusów Decjusza (249–251) i jego bezpośrednich poprzedników na cesarskim tronie. Monety te interpretowane są jako część skarbca cesarskiego zagrabionego przez barbarzyńców (Gotów) po wygranej przez nich bitwie pod Abritus w 251 r. Na tych samych obszarach można wyróżnić horyzont znalezisk srebrnych monet rzymskich, denarów i antoninianów, których co prawda nie da się wprost połączyć z bitwą pod Abritus, ale nieco szerzej, z rajdami gockimi na rzymskie prowincje we wczesnych latach 50. III w., których spektakularną kulminacją była właśnie bitwa pod Abritus. Horyzont ten nie jest czytelny w znaleziskach z Polski południowej, środkowej i zachodniej, zajmowanych w okresie rzymskim przez kultury przeworską i luboszycką, nie wiązane z Gotami.
EN
In the areas occupied by the Cherniakhiv and Wielbark archaeological cultures during the Roman period, including the areas of eastern and northern Poland, there are relatively numerous finds of Roman aurei of Trajan Decius (249–251) and his direct predecessors on the imperial throne. These coins are interpreted as part of the imperial treasury looted by the barbarians (Goths) after they won the Battle of Abritus in 251. In the same areas one can distinguish a horizon of finds of silver Roman coins, denarii and antoniniani, which cannot be directly linked to the Battle of Abritus, but more broadly, with the Goth raids on the Roman provinces in the early 250s, the spectacular culmination of which was the Battle of Abritus. This horizon is not clear in finds from southern, central and western Poland, occupied in the Roman period by the Przeworsk and Luboszyce cultures, not related to the Goths.
11
45%
EN
The Slavs’ homeland was in the Black Sea forest steppe. The Slavs neighboured the Iranian peoples from the south and the Balts from the north. The characteristic features of the Slavs’ culture, mainly material culture, were shaped in the third and fourth centuries AD, when the dominance of the Sarmatians over the Slavs ended as a consequence when the Goths ravaged the coasts of the Black See.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.