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Nástup hraběte Jánose Esterházyho do čela maďarské Zemské křesťansko-socialistické strany v Československu na sklonku roku 1932

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Toth A.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2010
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vol. 18
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issue 1
77-101
EN
The political life of Hungarian minority parties at the turn of the 1920s was marked by a generation conflict and a general crisis concerning their future political orientation. The first to accomplish a regeneration of its structures was the Provincial Christian-Socialist Party. The new political line of the Party was called for both by the politically engaged representatives of the younger generation of the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia and by the new government team in Budapest. Within the regeneration process in the top Party structures Count Janos Esterhazy, a new face in the political arena of the Hungarian minority who was just 31 years old, was elected to the top position in the Party.
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Vavro Šrobár a jeho podíl na vzniku agrární strany na Slovensku (1918–1922)

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Harna J.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2009
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vol. 17
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issue 2
1-22
EN
Vavro Srobar entered politics as early as the turn of the 19th century hoping to contribute to an overall advancement of the Slovak nation oppressed in the Hungarian part of Austro-Hungary. He saw a solution to that situation in close contacts between Czechs and Slovaks; therefore, he supported the concept of one common 'Czechoslovak' nation. His political career culminated in the early period of existence of the Czechoslovak Republic. He was then a member of several governments of the new country. As a minister endowed with full administration powers over Slovakia he largely helped incorporate its territory into the Czechoslovak Republic. From the very beginning, however, his concepts were in conflict with those of Milan Hodza, another founder and leader of the Slovak agrarian movement. By 1921, both of them had succeeded in creating two organizations advocating the interests of Slovak peasants. In 1922, the two parties merged with the Agrarian Party, initially Czech, thus creating the nationwide Republican Party of Agrarians and Small Peasants, which was one of the main supports of the parliamentary democratic system in Czechoslovakia until the end of the First Republic.
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Národní strana práce na stránkách Lidových novin a Přítomnosti (1925–1930). Politická orientace Ferdinanda Peroutky, Karla Čapka a dalších osobností spojených s Národní stranou práce

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Anev P.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2009
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vol. 17
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issue 2
23-63
EN
Politicka orientace Ferdinanda Peroutky, Karla Capka a dalsich osobnosti spojenych s Narodni stranou prace'). The intellectual weekly Pritomnost and the still existing newspaper Lidove noviny represented an important part of Czechoslovakia's press media between the two world wars. The orientation of the two periodicals was shared by important intellectuals, such as the important journalist Ferdinand Peroutka, renowned writer Karel Capek, and others. These periodicals and their editors, journalists and correspondents were closely linked to a small intellectual organization, the National Labor Party, existing in the years 1925-1930. The Party was considered the most important supporter of the political group known as 'The Castle', which was a generally accepted term for the political group headed by President T. G. Masaryk and Foreign Minister Edvard Benes. The National Labor Party can be regarded as an indirect successor to the Realistic Party from the period of Austro-Hungary headed by Masaryk. Most of the Labor Party Members were initially members of the National Democratic Party where they formed an internal opposition fraction, but they left that party in 1925 to create the National Labor Party which, however, failed to enjoy a broader support among the population. Therefore, they concentrated on polemics in the press and on exposing various scandals and affairs. Finally, in 1930, the party merged with the National Socialist Party. In spite of its short history it constitutes an integral part of the democratic left-oriented political traditions of Czechoslovakia between the two world wars.
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Novinářská a politická dráha Huberta Ripky do vyvrcholení mnichovské krize na počátku října 1938 a jeho odchodu do exilu

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Pavlat D.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2009
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vol. 17
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issue 2
65-129
EN
Hubert Ripka (1895-1958) ranked among the most active democratically oriented journalists in the First Czechoslovak Republic. Follower of President T. G. Masaryk and close collaborator of Foreign Minister and later President Edvard Benes, he wrote for a wide range of democratic periodicals in support of the 'Castle Group' policy. He advocated the democratic principles and the international orientation of Czechoslovakia, seeking as much support as possible for the Little Entente alliance, particularly in connection with the growing threat from Nazi Germany. Of great importance were Ripka's personal contacts with German 'neo-activists' in the CSR, with opposition circles in Nazi Germany, as well as with French and British opponents of the appeasement policy. He strongly opposed the Munich Agreement; therefore, he left the country in October 1938 to join the Czechoslovak resistance movement abroad.
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„Batismus, urychlená modernita a průkopníci práce“. Personální politika Baťova koncernu a řízené přesuny zaměstnanců v letech 1938–1941

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Marek M., Strobach V.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2010
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vol. 18
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issue 1
103-153
EN
The author deals with Bata Group's policy of dispatching large groups of staff abroad in the years 1938-1941, while considering some disciplinary practices of the discourse (batism) and the creation of standard employee identity. First, the structure of competence fields is explained and their main representatives are shown who co-decided on the selection of candidates and on the schedule of their transfer. Then, the most important criteria of candidate selection are discussed. The selection was also influenced by a number of other factors that determined the eventual form, program and destination of the transfer. The internal factors analyzed in the study include, in particular, the criterion of nationality or, more generally, of language (discourse of nationalism), while the most important external factors referred to immigration regulations and the capacity of means of transport. Last but not least, the motivation of staff members and their chance to have a say are explained.
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Российская историография Второй мировой войны после крушения коммунистического режима: традиции и ревизия

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Maryina V. V.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2010
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vol. 18
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issue 1
155-183
EN
The fundamental changes taking place in Russian historiography after the fall of the Communist regime are dealt with and analyzed. The authoress concentrates primarily on highly delicate issues, namely the outbreak and the events during the first years of World War II. Although the Russian archives have been made available to the public and a number of document editions and new publications have appeared, this topic continues to be a hot problem of modern Russian history. Attention was mostly paid to the period of 1939-1941 and to the circumstances of the attack on the Soviet Union by Nazi Germany. Therefore, this period and its events continue attracting the attention of Russian historians, while the gap in the debate between the two main streams existing in today's Russian historiography, the 'Conservatives' and the 'Liberals', is deepening. Traditionally, most attention is paid to military operations, while some hot topics have not been adequately studied yet, such as the situation in the rear of the Soviet side, repressive measures against Soviet citizens, expulsion of whole ethnic groups to harsh regions in Siberia, logistic problems with supplies for the Soviet Army, causes of failure of a number of military operations, etc. Thus, the Russian historiography of modern history still faces many complex tasks to cope with in a responsible way.
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Byla v roce 1948 reálná „finlandizace“ Československa? Stručná komparace situace Finska a Československa v letech 1944–1948

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Dejmek J.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2010
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vol. 18
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issue 1
185-207
EN
An attempt of comparative outline of the development in Finland and Czechoslovakia in the years 1945-48 is made in the study. There were a number of substantial differences in the position of the two countries due to their different historical development and to the incomparable geopolitical situation. On the one hand, the Soviet-controlled Allied Control Commission interfered in the events taking place of the defeated Finland, while most of the Finnish population, on the other hand, regarded 'the Russians' as the greatest threat to their country, which also found its reflection in its attitude to the local Communists. Although the Finnish Communist Party tried hard to strengthen its position through the wider Democratic League of the Finnish People, the political base of the Party - unlike that of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia - remained limited. A great difference can also be observed in the policy of the Finnish Social Democratic Party, which failed to closely cooperate with the Communists. Nevertheless, the Finnish democratic representation was aware of the USSR's supremacy in the region, and was therefore ready to accept the Defense Alliance Agreement proposed by the Soviets. Its signing on April 5th, 1948 provided a framework for the follow-up 'finlandization' policy that made it possible for the Finns to retain their internal democratic order.
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Korespondence Karola Sidora a Ferdinanda Kahánka z roku 1940

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Nemecek J.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2010
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vol. 18
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issue 1
209-230
EN
The paper consists of two parts. In the first part, the author explains the political views of the above persons at the beginning of World War II in the general domestic and international context. The other part includes eleven documents thoroughly explaining the then political situation in and the foreign policy of Slovakia. Much attention is devoted to considerations of a potential restoration of Czechoslovakia as an independent country or within a larger confederation or federation with Poland, or even with Poland and Hungary. The material adds to our knowledge of the polarization of views of the Czecho-Slovak relations in connection with the formation of Czechoslovak foreign resistance movement during World War II.
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