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Polská medievistika na přelomu tisíciletí

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The paper presents the most important publications of Polish medieval studies in last decade. They are divided into several categories: lexicons and textbooks, works on the Polish Church (episcopate, chapters, monasteries, religiousness and spirituality), social-economic studies, culture studies, studies in supporting disciplines of history. There are thoroughly analyzed critical source editions. We have been observing rapidly growing number of the latter for the last decade. It all proves that medieval studies are very popular in Poland. The paper first of all focuses on works concerning relations of Poland with its neighbors (Czech Kingdom, Germany, Lithuania, Hungary, Russia, Ottoman Empire) and Papacy in medieval times. We think that such a list of works and subjects should make it easier for Czech reader to be acquainted with modern Polish medieval studies, its the most important and popular strands.
EN
Codification of budgetary principles provides an interesting example of problems in building an independent State and creating its fiscal system. Regulation of budget management principles, recognized as an important duty of parliament in the entire inter-war period, had faced irremovable - as it later transpired - obstacles. During the first years of independence, these obstacles included, in particular, high inflation affecting the economy of the entire country. Later, during the period of Grabski's government stabilization reform, this issue was not the first priority either, giving way to budget-balancing efforts. Coup d'état of May 1926 and the assumption of power by the Sanation (Sanacja) resulted in the September Amendment of the March Constitution of 1921, very important for the practice of budget making. However, a substantial weakening of the position of parliament thus deprived it of the possibility of exerting a real influence on the nature of legislation governing all areas of State fiscal policy. Its was in fact reduced to adopting resolutions urging the government to submit an appropriate bill. One of such resolutions, adopted in 1931, made undertaking the codification of budgetary rules conditional on the adoption of a new constitution. The provisions of the April Constitution of 1935 extended general rules of budgetary management, but they were not followed by legislative action.. Despite growing efforts in this direction by parliament, with the proposal of a relevant Member's bill, the government administration (including Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Treasury Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski), consistently avoided taking action regarding the codification of budgetary principles. The successive investment projects, including the development of Central Industrial Region (COP) and strengthening the country's defence potential, were financed out of extra-budgetary funds essentially beyond parliament's control. The adoption of a statute governing all aspects of budgetary law would mean a removal of considerable financial autonomy of the government, to which Kwiatkowski could not agree. In those circumstances, the so far unquestioned need for codification of budgetary principles had to give way to actions aiming to develop and modernize the State. But this, in the government opinion, was inconsistent with statutory regulation of rules of budgetary management.
EN
The First Polish Rzeczpospolita (i.e. Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) was established as a union of two states (Kingdom of Poland and Grand Duchy of Lithuania) ruled by a common Jagiellon dynasty. The union took place in Lublin, in 1569. In the second half of 17th century the Commonwealth entered a period of protracted political and social crisis, leading to acceptance of a Russian protectorate in 1768 and the first partition in 1772. The events of 1768-1772 greatly shocked the nation dominated by the nobility (szlachta). In the subsequent years their support for political and social reforms was growing. A key role in work on the reform was to be played by king Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski. In 1787, he obtained consent from the Russian empress Catherine II to convene a so-called 'Confederated Sejm' whose decisions had to be made by majority of votes. This assembly, also known as the Four-Year or Great Sejm, began its session on 6 October 1788 in Warsaw. It had a considerable success in the legislative area, with a 'Government Act' of May 3, 1791 (known as the May 3 Constitution) as a crowning achievement. The adoption of the May 3 Constitution was a successful attempt to regulate the system of State government in accordance with the dictates of reason, taking into account recommendations of science as well as domestic and foreign experiences. The authors of the Constitution made reference to British and American constitutional patterns, and some even considered it to be superior to them. The Constitution consisted of an introduction (preamble), a principal part divided into 11 articles, and a conclusion. It was given the status of a supreme law, designed as a frame construction, whose provisions had to be developed by way of statutes. It's adoption reflected the nation's aspiration to free itself from the sense of powerlessness, from its will to regain independence and self-governance. It had paved the way for a moderate reform of the country's political and social system. The Constitution had both a conservative and reformatory face. This fact reflects the sense of reality and responsibility on the part of its authors. Their conservatism was particularly manifested in the field of social reforms. They did not dare to radically transform the system of social relations by way of abolishing the class division of society. In the field of political system, they had adopted a system of hereditary constitutional monarchy which strengthened the status of the king, guaranteed effective government and improve the role of the sejm in representing the nation. The May 3 Constitution was overthrown in 1793, officially repealed at the assembly in Grodno, as a result of a plot by the neighbouring powers and betrayal on the part of the Constitution's opponents, including Szczesny Potocki, Seweryn Rzewuski, Ksawery Branicki, Szymon Kossakowski and other leaders of treacherous Targowica Confederation. However, the Government Act remained vivid in the memory of the Polish nation. It made it easier for them to survive the time of bondage and helped keep alive its dignity and hope for rebirth of the Polish state. For Poles nowadays, the May 3 Constitution is considered as a political testament of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. It imposes on generations of Polish nation an obligation to build independent society, in harmony and sense of responsibility for the mutual good, and in the sprit of openness to those nations with whom they shared their destiny.
EN
: The ninetieth anniversary of the enactment of Poland's first constitution in the post-partition period provides an occasion to reflect on its importance and to make assessments, regarding particularly its provisions concerning government and self-government administration. These issues have not been yet fully addressed by research into the system of law and government of the Second Republic. The constitution provided for a form of government based on the principle of broad territorial self-government and delegation on the representative bodies of that self-government of appropriate legislative powers, especially in the field of administration, culture and economy, within the scope to be specified by statute (Article 3 para. 4). For administrative purposes, the Polish State would have to be divided into voivodships (regions), counties, and urban and rural municipalities which at the same time would have to be the units of territorial self-government. Those units would create unions in order to accomplish tasks which belong to the scope of their responsibilities (Article 65). The administration of the State would have to be organized on the principle of decentralization, organs of state administration in the individual territorial units being joined in one official body under one superior, and on the principle that within the limits determined by statutes, citizens elected for this purpose should participate in the discharge of the duties of such official bodies (Article 66). The right of determining affairs belonging to the domain of self- government was rested with elected councils. The constitution provided that, in addition to territorial self-government, economic self-government would be created, by a separate statute, for the individual fields of economic life (Article 68); and granted autonomous and self-governing rights to national minorities (Article 109) and to churches and religious communities recognized by the State (Articles 113-115). However, the above-mentioned constitutional principles had not been fully applied. Some of them turned to be only a declaration and proposal, which could not be implemented, in the circumstances of political life and in the course of work on the amendment of the constitution (started in the mid 1920s) and, then, on the draft of a new constitution of 1935. It was not until 1928 that the local administration was unified and not until 1933 that territorial self-government was reformed. It had not been able to adopt statutory principles for changing territorial administrative division, and the provisional measures (existing in the time of adoption of the constitution) had been maintained. The proposal for a multi-stage system of administrative courts, envisaged in the constitution, had never been carried out, as it was only possible to establish a Supreme Administrative Court... The March (1921) Constitution, as a symbol of Poland's regained independence, has proved to be less durable in relation to its underpinning values than in the sphere of institutional solutions. Those values have been frequently referred to in the course of recent systemic transformations, and many ideas contained therein might found in current legislative provisions.
EN
The aim of the article is to confront the literary topos of 'the old servant' (in both the magnate's worthy old friend and the worn-out pauper variants) with the social practice of the Grand Duchy of Lithaunia. The sources were drawn from the Radziwill Archives in the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw. The main topics addressed are: 1. the status and number of old servants in the clientele system and in the structure of the magnate court; 2. the relationship between servants and patrons in the courts of old magnates; 3. the postulated and real extent of patrons' support of old servants and their families. The article explores the legal status of 'servants', who in accordance with the 3rd Lithuanian Statute were treated as a separate social group, less privileged than local gentry in terms of property and judicature, but also as part of the patron's 'family', i.e. clientele. Then it clarifies terminological problems following from the fact that the term stary ('old') or starszy ('older/senior') sluga ('servant') (sludzy starsi 'senior servants') appears in sources in several meanings: it denotes elderly people, it functions as a conventional expression in correspondence between people of equal rank or it refers to servants of higher position as opposed to the so-called 'youths' (czeladz) in lists of household servants. Further, it presents the group of 'senior servants' in the court of the Radziwill family of Birze, especially at the time of Krzysztof II Radziwill, hetman and voivode. It is concluded that although generally 'old servants' enjoyed high status and as a group played an important role in recruiting new court members and clients by co-opting, in raising the patron's children, managing his estates and the public activity of his political faction, the individual position and status of the old servant dependent primarily on his personal relationship with the magnate. The status of old servants and their relations with the patron were verified in every phase of their lives, especially when they aged and ceased to be at the patron's disposal in all situations. The Radziwill clientele included both types of old servants: a small group of 'the master's friends' - eminent writers and politicians (Salomon Rysinski, Piotr Kochlewski, Daniel Naborowski, Krzysztof Arciszewski, Samuel Przypkowski) and a large number of lower rank servants and administrators, who were often deprived of their pay when they aged and whose widows were expelled from manors which they leased from the patron. More general conclusions on the situation of old servants in the Radziwill clientele in the 17th c. will be possible if detailed research of the courts of Janusz and Boguslaw Radziwill, undertaken in the 1980s and then abandoned, is resumed.
EN
Following the book by father Adam Kubiś The Pontifical Faculty of Theology in Cracow in 1954-1981, the author presents the history of The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow in 1954–1981. The author aims to recall John Paul II’s contribution to, and care for, the existence and shape of the university, which now can exist as The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow. The paper shows that the road leading to it since the liquidation of the Faculty in 1954 was not at all easy. The author wishes the university – which continues great traditions of the Faculty of Theology from 1937 – would never ever again have to experience such hardship as it did in Poland’s undistant pasts.
EN
Following the book by father Adam Kubiś The Pontifical Faculty of Theology in Cracow in 1954-1981, the author presents the history of The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow in 1954–1981. The author aims to recall John Paul II’s contribution to, and care for, the existence and shape of the university, which now can exist as The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow. The paper shows that the road leading to it since the liquidation of the Faculty in 1954 was not at all easy. The author wishes the university – which continues great traditions of the Faculty of Theology from 1937 – would never ever again have to experience such hardship as it did in Poland’s undistant pasts.
EN
The article deals with the topic of political and military activity of the brothers: Jan, Jakub and Stefan Potocki of the Pilawa coat of arms during the 1609-1613 Smolensk campaign. The relations the Potocki brothers had with Grand Hetman of the Crown - Stanislaw Zólkiewski, Grand Chancellor of Grand Duchy of Lithuania - Lew Sapieha, other senators and leaders and, naturally, king Sigismund III Vasa are of special interest. The Potocki brothers' activities in Smolensk may be considered as a proof that they purposefully and successfully shaped their own image, presenting themselves as outstanding leaders. Although hetman Zólkiewski was the chief leader of the Moscow campaign and during the first stage also the leader of the Smolensk army, the Potocki brothers played a significant role. After Zólkiewski's return from Moscow, they not only refused to get subordinated to their - much more experienced and prominent - colleague but retained influence on activities of the army gathered under the stronghold. The issue of Jan Potocki's regalism is of special interest. He was not enthusiastic about taking part in the, suggested by the king, expedition to the capital of the Moscow State, thus, overtly opposing Sigismund III. This proves that - for Potocki - being faithful to the king did not mean being unconditionally subordinated. It cannot be denied that the brothers were the King's valuable advisors under Smolensk, even though he would not always accept their suggestions. The Potocki brothers jealously protected their image of the best leaders and spared no efforts not to let their success of conquering Smolensk be overshadowed by other leaders' deeds. The Potocki brothers' activities are an example of military careers of rich nobility aspiring to the magnate class.
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