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EN
Immediately, after the World War I, the Hungarian government politics started to manage consciously the cultural events of the country. In the folklore movements on the occasion of the stage performances all generations of the village community got a role. A strong folklorisation is started in the Slovak settlements. The Folk dance department controlled the activity of the amateur folklore groups, the Ethnography department is specialized on the managing the work of traditional folklore communities in the countryside and managed direction of the professional research and collective works.
EN
The authoress deals with the situation when the considerable part of the Lutheran priests and teachers was exiled as the result of forced recatholisation. She tries to explain its causes, course and perception. In the 17th century various protestant groups (Anabaptists, the wave of exilians after the battle of Bila Hora) chose Hungary as a country of exile. After the disclosure of Palatine Wesselenyi's conspiracy the protestants, especially the educated elite (priests and teachers), were prosecuted on a large scale. Series of trials (1672-1674) aimed against supposed rebels led to the accusations and overall punishment. In this situation, exile was rather moderate form of penalty. In most cases exiled protestants left their country after signing the letter of renouncement, which was interpreted as renegation. The paper also deals with concequences of disagreement between this group of exilians and the protestants who were prisoned and sent to galleys to Napoli. Hereby the authoress focuses on the situation of exilians as reflected by the integrating society in Germany. The ambivalent situation forced Hungarians to explain the development in their own country and to defend their own theological attitudes. The analysis is mainly based on the sources little used before (as sermons, funeral speeches and memoirs). Its aim is to reconstruct the process of exile as an extreme situation which lasted for a long time: exilians were not able to integrate fully even in confessionally homogenous society (as for instance in Germany).
EN
The peace treaty with Hungary passed into history under the name Trianon Treaty according to the place where it was signed. Although it only represented a legal codification of the situation which already factually existed in Central Europe and in which Hungary had already found itself, it became a document-symbol which epitomised all-national injustice and superpowers' dictate. Its consequences affected not only the inter-war Hungarian foreign policy until its catastrophic climax, but also appeared in a broad spectrum of Hungarian political and social life and affected lives of all levels of the Hungarian society with consequences that reach into the present time.
EN
The Prague peace treaty (summer and autumn 1946) finally determined the Trianon boundaries, but it did not untangle the issue of the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia. The world powers voiced their different opinions on the restoration of small Central and East European countries and the introduction of democratic governments at discussions regarding economical and military establishment and reparations. The gradual disintegration of anti-Fascist coalition and the growing tension between the Soviet Union and the Western allies affected the political situation in Hungary and dissolved Hungarian democracy. After signing peace treaties, the number one target for the Soviet leadership was to use countries occupied by the Soviet Army as a defence zone and transform them into a homogenous Socialist bloc by means of Sovietisation.
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Aksjologiczna dezintegracja w UE? Przypadek Węgier

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EN
Hungary since 2010 has entered into the new chapter in its history, described on domestic scene as the „era of fight for freedom”, of national independence (from any foreign diktat) and „unorthodox economy”, which led also to the „opening to the East” (including China and Russia). Even the unquestioned leader of the State, prime minister Viktor Orbán confirmed, that this is „an illiberal system”, moving ever since further and further away from liberal democracy established in 1990. The author of this study, using mainly Hungarian and Hungarian language sources, is trying to describe, what is the essence of the new system, how it works and looks like. This Hungarian case study seems to be important, as it shows yet another challenge on the road of European integration, with so many other obstacles recently. Is the new Hungarian system a showcase for the others in the region, and the whole EU? No one knows the answer, but it is the highest time to know, how the Hungarian system is looking from the inside, after withdrawal from the principles of the rule of law, liberal democracy and the separation of powers, or checks and balances.
EN
In the course of World War II, the three great powers, i.e. the United States of America, Great Britain and the Soviet Union, had a clear picture about the new world arrangement in both general and particular terms. The American conception was based on three aspects: forming a vital alliance of this space based on federation or confederation principles, minimisation of nationalistic antagonism by means of synchronising language and political barriers, or replacing the population and substituting dictator and authoritative interwar regimes by democratic systems. The future of Transylvania was regarded the most complicated issue, exceeding the significance of the entire region. Unlike the American and British post-war Central and South-East European concepts, the Soviet standpoint posed expansive strategic plans of a power, which considered this space a subject of its immediate strategic and security interest. Concerning the Hungarian border, the Soviet leaders struggled to restore the Trianon border, which was justified by Hungary's participation in the war.
World Literature Studies
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2017
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vol. 9
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issue 1
60 – 70
EN
In 1946–1947, the Hungarian essayist and poet László Cs. Szabó held lectures on Erasmus at the Department of Cultural History of the Hungarian College of Fine Arts. “Reactionary” even in name, the department had been newly established (we could say it was established specifically for him). Not only is his experience of the world war clearly present in each line of his lectures, written with a great deal of erudition and psychological insight, but it seems as though he had had presentiments of the times that were to come: his texts were imbued with admonition (taking advice from friends, two years later he did not return to Hungary from a scholarship in Italy, and he subsequently emigrated to the UK, where he took a job at the BBC). Of all of Erasmus’s biographers, Cs. Szabó mentions Huizinga alone; his influence on him is clear. He paused several times to read out quotations from Huizinga’s book. The Dutch thinker’s influence also shows in the structure and the emphasis on certain subjects. The part on history of effect as well as the one on Erasmus’s iconography was probably inspired by Huizinga’s book. Nevertheless, Huizinga’s effect is not in the details. If Huizinga distinguished The Small Erasmus and The Great Erasmus, then it is even more true of Cs. Szabó.
EN
In 1956, the Czechoslovak authorities successfully suppressed all traces of a potential uprising. The Czechoslovak society was not yet prepared for a political turn-over in the 50's. Slovak Hungarians could choose between their survival as a minority and an uprising in autumn 1956. A sober deliberation excluded all steps leading to a Hungarian revolution. The Slovak Hungarians still had vivid memories of suffering, which they experienced after 1945. Worries of being accused of irredentism were strong and any support of Hungarian revolution was unthinkable.
EN
The study is devoted to the analysis of the defence of noble privileges and the position of the Hungarian nobility on the floor of parliament in relation to the monarch’s powers at the beginning of the 19th century. It analyses the discussions of various parliaments, especially on questions of property rights and the related rights to political representation, equality before the law, land tax and the bearing of public burdens. It examines the detailed argumentation and use of older legislation, as well as proposals for its use in favour of modernization (J. Hajnóczy, G. Berzeviczy). A special attention is devoted to the question of finance for the army, in relation to the traditional system of military service (insurrection). The author states that the achievement of change in the framework of the Hungarian constitutional system was not excluded, but the parliaments of the early 19th century did not set themselves such aims.
EN
EU accession has changed the agro-food trade of New Member States, including Hungary. The article focuses on analysing the changing structure and comparative advantage of Hungarian agro-food trade by product group and degree of processing. It aims to provide a clearer analysis of the effects of EU accession on Hungarian primary and processed agro-food trade by employing the latest data. Results confirm that revealed comparative advantages have weakened after accession and that the vast majority of products had a revealed comparative disadvantage after 2004. It is clear that accession has radically changed the survival time of agro-food trade, reasons for which are also identified.
EN
The article concerns about the Slovak community in the town Niredhaza in Hungary, which was formed by the Slovak colonists in the half of the 18th century. The name of this community was 'Tirpaci'. The archive documents were analyzed and interpreted and they were used to characterize the community mostly through the historical, linguistic and ethnological data. These data allowed reconstruction of the older stage of the written form of the language as well as several sides of the culture and the way of life of this Slovak community. It was biblical Czech language strongly influenced by the local Slovak dialects and Hungarian language. Tendencies towards as well as against assimilation were found in the community during its historical forming and developing.
EN
The Hungarian government discussed the personal safeguarding of the Treaty at its meetings on 27th, 28th and 31st May 1920. Negotiations regarding personal involvement of the Hungarian government, which was entrusted with signing the Treaty, was not an easy undertaking due to a negative perception of the peace issue (or rather the creation of the Versailles mandate system) by the Hungarian society. It personified an unacceptable territorial establishment under the piece convention. Nevertheless, discussions of the Simonyi-Semadam's government proved that signing the Treaty by the Hungarian government was not attached to Budapest's prestige. Signing the peace Treaty by the 'mere' Labour Minister, Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary was not designed to politically declare the negative standpoint of Hungary towards the Treaty. Signing the peace Treaty was regarded by respective ministers as a matter of purely personal and carrier prestige.
EN
Slovak – Hungarian contact zone is historically and culturally specific area showing features of cultural coexistence in various spheres (language, agriculture, building, customs and rituals) rooted in layers of common history, regional/geographical characteristic and the way of life. The argument is based on an analysis of the secondary sources of both Slovak and Hungarian ethnology, history, linguistics and other social science and humanities. Differences found between the cultural phenomena of the two contacting ethnic areas are due to taking over phenomena from the neighbouring culture in the certain stage of its development and also due to accommodation of the phenomena to the various ranges of circumstances.
EN
From the beginning of the transformation in Slovakia after 1989, the crucial problems were the issue of statehood and its resolution and the Hungarian issue. In summer 1990, the dispute over the resolution of the constitutional arrangement moved to the designation of powers. Simultaneously, the conflict concerning the speed and method of economic transformation sharpened on the Slovak political scene. The parliamentary elections of 1992 and the subsequent adoption of The Declaration of the Independence of Slovakia and The Constitution of Slovakia were of crucial importance for the further destiny of Czechoslovakia. After the establishment of an independent Slovak state, relations with Hungary and the Hungarian minority gained a new dimension.
Mesto a dejiny
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2017
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vol. 6
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issue 2
6 – 21
EN
The moats were important elements of the defences of towns. A less studied secondary usage of urban moats is there role in local economies. The study discusses the exploitation of moats in milling using the example of the town Prešov. The paper argues that the study of the water mills built by the moat can add to our understanding of the general topographic development of the town.
ARS
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2015
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vol. 48
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issue 2
160 – 178
EN
Renaissance, and especially the figure of Matthias Corvinus, represents from the beginning to the national emancipation in the late 18th century, an important unit in the public perception and later in the state politics of history. In addition to focusing on their own national cultural heritage that plays also an important role the view of the development of Renaissance art in various regions of Southern and Western Europe. The article tries to contextualize the art historiographic positions in Hungary in 1948-1989. In the interwar period, the foundations for two movements were laid.
Vojenská história
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 4
6 - 33
EN
The study is a continuation of two papers already published in the Vojenská história magazine, which had analysed the causes, development and consequences of the Czech-Hungarian war in 1254 – 1256 and the war in 1260. The current study deals with the third war between the Czech and Hungarian Kingdom, which broke out as a result of death of the Hungarian king Belo IV., culminating in an indecisive battle at the Rabca river in Transdanubia. The study has a unique contribution to the Slovak historiography, since the topic has not been processed in such an extent ever before, in spite of being one of the key areas of the 13th century history, in addition to the „big politics“ also reaching to the issues of settlement or town development (the history of Bratislava in particular). The author deals in detail with individual military-historical aspect of these events, especially in terms of comparison of the Hungarian and Czech army during the reign of the Czech king, Přemysl Otakar II. The author collected a significant number of primary sources both of narrative and of diplomatic nature, complemented by the „celebratory” materials processed in favour of the Czech monarch. The paper is based on numerous literature sources, both domestic and foreign.
EN
Princess Salomea (1211/12 – 1268, canonized in 1673) was the daughter of Prince Leszek the White, and married Prince Koloman, son of the Hungarian King Andrew II. Since her early childhood, she was intricately involved in the decision-making process of the South-western Poland and Hungary. Scepusia was the site of the meeting in 1214, at which Salomea’s marriage with Koloman was arranged. Koloman later became the King of Galicia. They changed their residence and came to Scepusia in 1221. In 1226, their influence spread to the Southern parts of Hungary and they settled there at that time. Koloman and Salomea were also fighting heresy in the Balkans, an activity highly regarded by the Pope of the time. They were awarded an exemption from the interdict in 1234. Salomea is referred to in this text as a Regina. Even after her marriage Salomea remained deeply involved in the life of her homeland. After Koloman’s death in 1241, Salomea returned to the South-western Poland.
EN
In the course of January 1946, discussions on bills regarding adaptation of the state establishment and rights of the head of state were in process on the Hungarian political scene. Communists and the Social Democrats strove to enforce a proposition restricting the president's rights, while small farmers formulated a broad spectrum of presidential authorities. This discussion resulted in a compromise closer to the communists' proposals. On 1st February 1946, Zoltan Tildy, a sole candidate, was elected president under the adopted republican bill.
20
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EN
This study focuses on the literary works of Péter Esterházy, whose output has contributed to the formation of a new Hungarian literary canon. Using Esterházy’s major works, including Termelési regény (1979, Production Novel), Bevezetés a szépirodalomba (1986, An Introduction to Fiction), Kis magyar pornográfia (1984, 1986, A Little Hungarian Pornography), Egy nő (1995, She Loves Me), Harmonia cælestis (2000, Celestial Harmonies), Javított kiadás (2002, Revised Edition), Egyszerű történet vessző száz oldal – a kardozós változat (2013, Simple Story Comma A Hundred Pages), the study relativizes the concepts of identity and hybridity in relation to the life of the postmodern “text” in the Central European (specifically Hungarian-Slovak-Czech) context. What challenges does the postmodern text present for the translator? How has translation influenced the reception of the canonical text in Slovakia?
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