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EN
This article deals with the concept of “great questions” in Hans Blumenberg’s phi-losophy. The “great questions” are fundamental elements of the German philosophy due to their role in explaining the core of the modern paradigm. Great questions are posed as resorts, and create references to them. They can be seen as atoms on the bot-tom of the modernity foundation, while some phenomena that could make them func-tional emerge as related to them. The law that enforces the atoms bond and the possibil-ity of combinations resides in the so-called reoccupation theory that gains a good sight of what happens in immanent history. The way this work intends to clarify the great questions issue is by observing three assets of Blumenberg’s philosophy: a) the dialecti-cal orientation of history (in particular, the modernity); b) the rule of historical change; c) Blumenberg’s holistic tendencies. This article aims to demonstrate that Blumenberg’s vision not only allows freedom to be explicit in modernity, but freedom is the main asset of this epoch.
EN
This paper deals with the concept of the genesis of the modern age as introduced by Hans Blumenberg in his book The Legitimacy of the Modern Age (1966) which he elaborated on and complemented in his later writings. The paper is divided into five sections. The first very briefly presents the general features of Blumenberg’s philosophy, especially his notion of “relief from the absolute”. The second section introduces Blumenberg’s concept of gnosis and of the Christian responses to gnosis. Blumenberg was convinced that the modern times emerged as the second overcoming of gnosis which was more successful than its first overcoming by Christianity. The third section introduces Blumenberg’s idea of the recurrence of the hidden gnostic God in late medieval nominalism. The fourth section presents ways in which the modern age, according to Blumenberg, emerged as the successful overcoming of gnosis – especially with the help of the amazing development of science and technology in the early-mo­dern period. The fifth section contains some critical reservations about Blumenberg’s theory. Nevertheless it also appreciates the relevance of Blumenberg’s philosophy for today’s discussion about both the nature and the history of early modern philosophy.
CS
Článek pojednává o koncepci geneze novověku, kterou Hans Blumenberg představil ve svém díle Legitimita novověku (1966) a kterou dál rozpracovával a doplňoval v dalších dílech. Článek je rozdělen do pěti oddílů. První velice stručně představuje obecné rysy Blumenbergovy filosofie, zejména jeho pojem ulehčení od absolutna. Druhý oddíl představuje Blumenbergovo pojetí gnoze a křesťanskou reakce na gnozi. Blumenberg je totiž přesvědčen, že novověk vznikl jako druhé překonání gnoze, které bylo úspěšnější než první překonání provedené křesťanstvím. Třetí oddíl vysvětluje Blumenbergovu myšlenku návratu gnostického skrytého Boha v pozdně středověkém nominalismu. Čtvrtý oddíl ukazuje způsoby, jimiž se podle Blumenberga ustanovil novověk jako druhé a úspěšné překonání gnoze – především za pomoci masivního rozvoje vědy a techniky. Pátý oddíl obsahuje kritické výhrady vůči Blumenbergově koncepci a rovněž ocenění aktuálnosti jeho filosofie pro dnešní diskuse o povaze raně novověké filosofie.
EN
It seems that the first two decades of the twenty first century demonstrate political mythology to be still functioning in the political life of the West. In this context, it is interesting to view the recent publications of Hans Blumenberg’s Nachlass: Präfiguration (“Prefiguration,” 2014) and Rigorismus der Wahrheit (“Rigorism of Truth,” 2015), as they reveal unpredicted complications for the interpretation of his philosophy of myth as well as of his political stances. They also evoke some more general questions concerning the role of myth in our contemporary political life. The aim of this article is to present the paradoxes connected with the posthumously published Blumenberg critique of Hannah Arendt and to situate it in the wider context of twentieth century political thought, specifically the work of Sorel, Schmitt, Rosenberg and Cassirer. It is also to point to more general ethical and political ambiguities connected with the problem of political mythology in the present.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
|
2015
|
vol. 17
|
issue 3
58-74
PL
Wielu krytyków zarzucało myśli Giorgia Agambena ahistoryczność. Ostatnio podobne oskarżenia wysunął Alberto Toscano, formułując je przez przywołanie krytyki Hansa Blumenberga względem tezy o sekularyzacji oraz jego teorii zmiany epokowej. Według Toscano, z powodu akceptacji dla Schmittiańskiego pojęcia sekularyzacji, bazującego na substancjalizmie historycznym, Agamben nie tylko sprzeniewierza się metodologii Michela Foucaulta – którą deklaratywnie przyjmuje – ale także ciąży ku uznaniu dominacji pojęć teologicznych jako źródła całej filozoficznej tradycji Zachodu oraz jego instytucji politycznych. Moim zamiarem jest pokazanie, że nawet poniekąd powierzchowne stwierdzenia Agambena na temat sekularyzacji są równoważone przez podjęty przez niego podwójny wysiłek. Po pierwsze, chociaż przyznaje on znaczenie dziedzictwu teologicznemu, to jednocześnie odrzuca pierwszeństwo religii jako niezbędnego fundamentu etyki i polityki. Co więcej, jego skrupulatne i bardzo gęste studia nad teologią chrześcijańską sytuują go na pozycji najbardziej przenikliwego ze współczesnych krytyków kościoła katolickiego oraz jakichkolwiek teologiczno-politycznych hybryd ukonstytuowanych poprzez nadużycie władzy.
EN
Many critics accuse Giorgio Agamben of an ahistoricism inherent to his thought. Recently, such criticism was put forward by Alberto Toscano, who formulated it referring to Hans Blumenberg’s refusal of the secularisation thesis and his theory of epochal shifts. According to Toscano, due to the acceptance of the Schmittian notion of secularisation, based on a historical substantialism, Agamben is not only unfaithful to the Foucaultian methodology which he declaratively assumes, but he also tends to acknowledge the domination of theological notions as a source of the whole Western philosophical tradition and political institutions up until now. I am going to demonstrate that even somewhat superficial claims made by Agamben about secularisation find their compensation in his double effort. Firstly, even if he concedes the gravity of the theological legacy, at the same time he rebuts the primacy of religion as an indispensable grounding of ethics and politics. What is more, through his meticulous and condense studies on Christian theology he has already placed himself  in the position of the most incisive contemporary critic of the Catholic church and any theological-political hybrids established on the abuse of power.
EN
Medieval and early modern accounts of ethnicity and ethnic genealogy drew on Old Testament, ancient, and Nordic sources. Given the nature of genealogical speculations as narratives that combined a rationalist approach with reference to a particular religious or mythological tradition and political or patriotic aspirations, they can be seen as examples of political myth in Hans Blumenberg’s sense, and the permanent reinterpretation of their narrative core can be understood as “working on myth”. The hypothetical Aryans who emerged from the interaction between British colonial administration and Hindu tradition were better suited to the needs of modern times than the Scythians, whose fundamental racial contribution to the emergence of Western civilization was advocated by John Pinkerton. Thus was born palingenetic Aryan political myth with dramatic implications for the fate of modern society.
PL
Celem tej recenzji jest analiza problemu wiary i historii w wybranych pismach Franza Overbecka. Overbeck (1837–1905), niemiecki teolog-agnostyk, historyk chrześcijaństwa, przyjaciel Fryderyka Nietzschego, opisuje w swoich pracach eschatologiczny i kontrkulturowy wymiar pierwotnego chrześcijaństwa. Dzieje Kościoła opierają się według niego na powolnym wypieraniu eschatologii oraz zastąpieniu jej konserwatywnym projektem podtrzymywania i stabilizowania zachodniej kultury i cywilizacji. Z tego powodu Overbeck – broniąc integralności chrześcijaństwa jako kulturowego fenomenu oraz jego uniwersalistycznego dziedzictwa – krytykuje zarówno współczesny mu protestantyzm kulturowy (A. Harnack) jak i postchrześcijańskie i nacjonalistyczne alternatywy (D.F. Strauss, P. Lagarde). W artykule wskazuję na aktualność Overbeckowskich zastrzeżeń wobec wszelkiej – tradycjonalistycznej, liberalnej i lewicowej – teologii politycznej z punktu widzenia chrześcijaństwa zorientowanego na eschatologię. Analizuję również dwie ścieżki recepcji myśli Overbecka w dwudziestowiecznych Niemczech: próbę odnowienia protestantyzmu jako religii stanu wyjątkowego (K. Barth) oraz krytykę teologii i sceptyczno-ironiczne pożegnanie z chrześcijaństwem (H. Blumenberg).
EN
The aim of an article is to analyse a problem of belief and history in Franz Overbeck’s selected writings. Overbeck (1837–1905), a German theologian-agnostic and historian of Christianity, known also in regard to his close friendship with Friedrich Nietzsche, describes in his works the eschatological and countercultural dimension of an origin Christianity. During the history of the Church eschatology was slowly replaced by a conservative project with its aim to maintain and to stabilize the Western culture and civilization. For this reason Overbeck – defending Christianity as an integral cultural phenomenon and referring to its universalist heritage – criticizes representatives of the “cultural Protestantism” (A. Harnack) and post-Christian and nationalistic alternatives (P. Lagarde, D.F. Strauss). In my paper I argue that from the perspective of eschatological Christianity Overbeck’s remarks against traditionalistic, liberal and leftist political theology remain valid. I present also two separate ways of Overbeck’s reception in 20th-century German thought – a revival of Protestantism as a “state of exception” religion (K. Barth) and a critique of theology and a skeptical-ironic farewell to Christianity (H. Blumenberg).
Diametros
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2014
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issue 40
126-148
EN
This article examines the use of images of “light” and “enlightenment” in Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France and in the controversy that greeted the book, with an emphasis on caricatures of Burke and his book by James Gillray and others. Drawing on Hans Blumenberg’s discussion of the metaphor of “light as truth,” it situates this controversy within the broader usage of images of light and reason in eighteenth-century frontispieces and (drawing on the work of J.G.A. Pocock and Albert O. Hirschman) explores the ways in which Burke’s critique of Richard Price operates with a rhetoric that views Price as part of an enlightenment that was inherently “radical” and, hence, a threat to the “enlightenment” that, in Burke’s view, had already been achieved.
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