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1

Ocena historyków i historiografii w Historia Augusta (w żywotach przypisywanych Flaviusowi Vopiscusowi)

100%

Suski R.

Wieki Stare i Nowe

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2015

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vol. 9

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issue 14

22-35

EN

Heretofore little importance was attached to considerations connected with ancient historians presented in Historia Augusta, in the biographies bear the name of Flavius Vopiscus of Syracuse. However, these brief texts perhaps may enable us to understand the reason for which the author concealed his name by using six pseudonyms, and they account for the way in which he approached work with the sources. In the principal biographies of the Antonines and the Severi he drew from the imperial biographies by Marius Maximus whose work was positively evaluated in his considerations. The work contained information which was of paramount importance for the imperial biography such as the origin of the ruler or a description of his character. In the subsequent part of the Historia Augusta its creator used other sources which represented such literary genres as history and breviaria. We may infer from Scriptor’s methodological considerations that he held these literary genres in low estimation; he did not mention even one author of these sources. This supposedly influenced his polemical attitude to these source materials and the way in which he used them - he frequently interspersed their narrations with themes drawn from the works of other historians.

2

Opowieść o koniu, który ani piękny, ani duży, ale wytrzymały był (HA., Prob., 8)

94%

Baranowski M.

Historia i Świat

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2014

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issue 3

9-17

EN

The present paper discusses a peculiar fragment in ”Historia Augusta” (v. Probi 8) concerning the gift of a horse to Probus from his soldiers. According to former scholars, it represents nothing else than a literary topos. Consequently, the passage has not been the object of much interest to contemporary historians. However, the author argues that, irrespectful of its authenticity, this anecdote may constitute a key to proper understanding of Probus’s image created in “Historia Augusta”. Thus, on one level of analysis, the story serves as a means of presenting an idealised image of the emperor. On the other hand, it may also be considered as an omen imperii.

3

Limitanei w Historia Augusta. Czy wzmianki o armii przygranicznej można wykorzystać do datowania Historia Augusta?

84%

Suski R. S.

Res Historica

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2020

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issue 49

EN

The Historia Augusta is the most enigmatic source of the late antiquity. Its author often departs from the truth, even on most salient issues. He not only suggests that he had written his work earlier than he actually did, but also assumes 6 different nickdonyms to confirm his version of events. Limitanei (the sold in of throntier districts) were mentioned in Historia Augusta four times. All these references, however, contain anachronistic terminology both for the times when, according to the author, they were to happen and the times of writing. In the article below I have analyzed these references. I believe that it allows us to better undr understanding of the author's mentality. One of themse references is dee paortant. For long time it was believed to be a testimony to the transformation of the Roman frontier army into a peasant militia. This interpretation seems to be rejected nowadays. Today this interpretatgment describes the use of land by limitanei soldiers, which is confirmed in codex sources only in the middle of the 5th century, it may serve as a hint regarding the time when the notes hmay have been taken. Meanwhile, in the presnt times most of scholars today believe that the Historia Augusta was w in the late 4th or early 5th century. While based on this reference, it is impossible to date the creation of the Historia Augusta in prove useful when starting a discussion about dating this source e again. remains a clue that allows us to start a discussion about dating this source again.

PL

Historia Augusta jest najbardziej enigmatycznym źródłem, które powstało w późnym antyku. Jego autor ukrył czas, w którym powstało, oraz użył 6 różnych pseudonimów. Sugeruje w swoich biografiach, że pisał za panowania tetrarchów lub Konstantyna Wielkiego, w rzeczywistości nastąpiło to dużo później. W Historia Augusta zostały wymienione cztery razyjednostki limitanei. Były to oddziały przygraniczne, które zostały wydzielone w rzymskiej armii w czasach Konstantyna Wielkiego. Oczywiście wszystkie te wzmianki używają terminologii anachronicznej dla czasów, w których miały zostać napisane, czy miały się rozgrywać. W poniższym artykule poddałem analizie owe wzmianki dotyczące wojsk przygranicznych w Historia Augusta. Pozwalają one nam lepiej poznać mentalność owego autora. Szczególnie jedna z tych wzmianek była istotna. Długo uważano, że jest ona świadectwem przekształcenia rzymskiej armii nadgranicznej w chłopską milicję. Dziś zarzucono tego typu przekonanie. Niemniej opisuje ona użytkowanie ziemi przez żołnierzy limitanei, co poświadczone jest w źródłach kodeksowych dopiero w połowie V wieku. Tymczasem większość badaczy uważa dziś, że Historia Augusta powstała w końcu IV lub na początku V wieku. O ile na podstawie tej wzmianki nie sposób jednoznacznie datować powstanie Historia Augusta na połowę V wieku, to jednak pozostaje ona wskazówką, która pozwala na nowo rozpocząć dyskusję o datowaniu powstania tego źródła.

4

WYBRANE ASPEKTY PRAWNE W ‘HISTORIA AUGUSTA’

71%

Bogacz L.

Zeszyty Prawnicze

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2016

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vol. 16

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issue 4

37-57

PL

Private Law in the ‘Augustan History’ Summary The author of Historia Augusta (The Augustan History) had some knowledge of the law. He knew, for instance, that the emperor had to issue his consent for an act of adrogation to be valid, but failed to describe its procedure correctly. He knew that the lex Fufia Caninia limited manumission to a maximum of one hundred slaves, but he did not know that this law was applicable only to testamentary manumissions. The biographer displayed his knowledge but distorted and fabricated history. However, as his acquaintance with the law was limited and pertained to the law in force at a much later period, it was wrong on the particulars in force earlier. In-depth analysis of the Historia Augusta with reference to Roman law may be helpful in telling fact from fiction in this extraordinary work.

5

Kim są „superiores barbari” w Vita Marci Antonini (14.1)?

67%

Malinowski G.

Studia Antiquitatis et Medii Aevi Incohantis

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2023

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vol. 8

75-91

EN

The phrase Profecti tamen sunt paludati ambo imperatores et Victualis et Marcomannis cuncta turbantibus, aliis etiam gentibus, quae pulsae a superioribus barbaris fugerant, nisi reciperentur, bellum inferentibus was translated by David Magie in the Loeb Classical Library series as “Clad in the military cloak the two emperors finally set forth, for now not only were the Victuali and Marcomanni throwing everything into confusion, but other tribes, who had been driven on by the more distant barbarians and had retreated before them, were ready to attack Italy if not peaceably received.” The term “by the more distant barbarians” follows the interpretation of the words pulsae a superioribus barbaris adopted by Guillaume de Moulines in his 1783 French translation. A similar line of interpretation with an additional indication of the distant north was also proposed by Karl Mannert in 1792. This unrest was supposed to have translated into the general agitation of the Germanic peoples of the Danube limes, contributing to the launching of attacks on the Roman side of the Danube River. A semantic analysis of the adjective superior, however, indicates that it does not mean further away, let alone from the distant north, but only: higher in position, upper, i.e. in the case of ethnic names it refers either to certain barbarians having the upper hand over others, or to the barbarians mentioned above in the source text. Consequently, the superiores barbari that appear in the sentence do not have much to do with the Polish lands, as it is probably precisely the Victuals of the Dacian section of the limes and the Marcomanni of the Pannonian section who took the upper hand over other barbarians in their regions close to the Danube.

6

SENACULUM, CZYLI SENAT KOBIET W HISTORIA AUGUSTA – DYSKURS ANTYCHRZEŚCIJAŃSKI CZY MIZOGINIZM?

60%

SUSKI R.

Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych

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2019

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issue 1(6)

174-189

PL

W Historia Augusta, zbiorze biografii cesarskich, w których autor przyjął sześć fikcyjnych pseudonimów oraz ukrył czas napisania swojego dzieła, dwukrotnie pojawia się termin senaculum, senat kobiet. Dzieło to jest pełne nieprawdziwych faktów, więc instytucja została najprawdopodobniej wymyślona przez autora. Najczęściej widzi się w niej żart z listów Hieronima lub Nowego Testamentu. Uważam, że należy interpretować te wzmianki przez pryzmat antykobiecych uprzedzeń autora.

EN

The Historia Augusta [Augustan History] is a specific collection of imperial biographies, which confirms the fact that its author wrote his work under six fictitious pseudonyms and lied about the time of its creation. It is not obvious when the Historia Augusta exactly was written, but surely after the time indicated by the author. Saneaculum (the Women’s Senate) is mentioned in the Historia Augusta twice, but, as the work is full of false facts, it is likely that the Women’s Senate was made up by the author. Historians most often perceive this institution as a joke referring to the letters of Saint Jerome or the New Testament. In this article, it is shown that mentions about the Saneaculum should rather be interpreted as anti-feminist prejudice of the author of the Historia Augusta.

7

Dryades w Historia Augusta a problem metodologii badań nad Celtami

60%

Wawrzyniak K.

Studia Antiquitatis et Medii Aevi Incohantis

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2021

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vol. 6

114-138

EN

Augustan History contains passages about druidesses who foretell the future for emperors. Analysis of Historia Augusta results in the conclusion that this information is false. To confirm this statement, verification of the rest of the preserved material is necessary. Considering this, an unequivocal solution to the activities of druidesses in the third century CE is not satisfying.

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