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EN
his paper, taking as a starting point Horace’s “Epistle to the Pissos”, its form and structure, approaches the Horatian problem of an artist involved in the Roman social issues, dominated by such categories as pietas and dignitas, both in relationship to the poet himself and to the social position and role of the profession of an artist (dichotomy: otium – negotium). Moreover, the role of a literary critic is discussed. A literary critic, by imposing certain rules and constraints on the artist, himself is not free of the social pressure being the result of the client/patron dependence. Writing in this context becomes an art of a compromise of values, between social and legal solutions founded in Rome’s traditional ‘community of citizens’ and the aesthetic limits and needs of the new generation of creators and their audiences.
PL
Horace, having had the taste of the laws of cruel Bellona, decided to dedicate him-self to peaceful Muse. His fi rst works expressed anxiety and fears of uncertain future, in the sixteenth iambic he called to escape to the Happy Isles. Th anks to the talent and a stroke of luck, he met Maecenas, and became a member of his circle for good, winning the undying friendship of his protector. Still, the poet resolutely manifested a strong need of his literary independence, in that he refused to engage in political subjects, or  rejected the off er of becoming Octavian’s secretary. He desired to propagate universal themes, did not forbear refl ection on the fragility and transience of life, on the neces-sity of using the moment we are given, though using it with skill. He tried to avoid extremes, shun excessive wealth, problems of the noisy Rome, to content himself with small things. He found that modest estate, the ability to talk with friends with glass of good caecubum were more important than the splendour of the palace. Even when mocking human vices, he would indicate the noble examples from the past. Despite his unwillingness to depict the deeds of victors, which he excused with lack of aptitude and inadequacy of the style, he did not remain deaf to the call of the Homeland. Having been, along with Maecenas, Livius or Virgil, a witness of the downfall of the Republic and the birth of something new, he would take a critical look at his contemporaries, seeking a way out of the adverse situation. He followed the actions of Octavian atten-tively, to give him the credit of his trust only aft er a time, and to serve the common cause, the moral revival of the society. Still, he was aware of prinicipate’s dark side, of certain constraints imposed on the freedom of speech. Hence, he took refuge in the arms of un-political Poetry, which nevertheless features references to the desired val-ues, to Octavian’s ideological agenda. Th e ruler gave society an illusion, in which the war-fatigued, blood-stained Italy is transformed into Happy Isles. Th e Poet wanted the latter to become fact, by virtue of return to the former morality.
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EN
The role of Horace in the history of European literature is obvious and tremendous, his works were paraphrased and translated by many authors (e. g. by B. Jonson, H. Tournier, J. H. Voss, E. Mörike, Fr. Gehlen, E. Geibel, M. Radnóti, and in Poland by L. H. Morstin, T. F. Hahn, S. Gołębiowski, A. Lam). His carmen “Ad Lydiam” (Carmina III 9) is Horace’s only ode composed as a dialogue. Translations of this ode are numerous and various, usually rhymed or rhythmic, occasionally isometric. Among the authors of the latter ones German translators excel; German as a language of quantity is ideal to show Horace’s metrical pattern both by keeping a fixed number of syllables (8 in every odd, 12 in every even verse) and the arrangement of stressed and unstressed elements. There are no Polish isometric translations of ode III 9, as they usually sound unnaturally or even oddly (from the 16th century onward Polish is not a language of quantity any more). In recent years excellent isometric translations of odes composed in the Second Asclepiadean were written by E. Buszewicz (Horacy, Carm. I 13; Sarbiewski, Lyr. I 19 and III 2). Isometric translation of Horace’s ode III 9 by a Hungarian poet Moklós Radnóti was in turn used by Ferenc Sebő as the lyrics of a song entitled “Lydiához”. The music of the song was then used by the Polish band Brathanki, although lyrics by Z. Książek do not refer to Horace’s Latin original. There is, however, something interesting about it: because of the fact, that the lyrics were written for already composed music, the vocalists of the band unknowingly sing the rythm of the ancient Second Asclepiadean II. The author of a paper presents her own isometric translation of carmen “Ad Lydiam” into Polish.
EN
Scholarly discussion concerning Horace’s Carmen IV,12 has long been dominated by the question of whether the addressee Vergilius should be identified with the poet Virgil or not. Comparatively little attention, in contrast, has been paid to a literary interpretation of the ode. Scholars have become increasingly aware of the literary aspects of the poem, such as its imagery and intertextuality, only in the last two decades. Taking these insights as a starting point, this paper aims to explore the metapoetic metaphors in Carmen IV,12. It can be demonstrated that by using traditional Callimachean imagery, Horace reflects both on Virgilian work and on his own poetry, and that his fellow poet Virgil is, in fact, the addressee of the ode. Thus the poem can be read both as a lament over Virgil’s death and as an apology for Horace’s own panegyric poetry, for which he imagines the deceased friend as a supporter and fellow symposiast.
Human and Social Studies
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2014
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vol. 3
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issue 2
90-100
EN
In Corneille’s Horace the hero is brought to trial for having defended Rome’s integrity by killing his own sister. The fifth act of the play is devoted to this trial, but should also be read like an allegorical re-enactment of the Querelle du Cid, during which Corneille himself was put to a kind of a ”trial’’ by colleagues and critics scandalized by the moral and ideological audacity of this first play dedicated to a criminal hero. Our paper tries to point out in detail the analogies that authorize such a reading.
Human and Social Studies
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2014
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vol. 3
|
issue 1
78-99
EN
In Corneille’s Horace the hero is brought to trial for having defended Rome’s integrity by killing his own sister. The fifth act of the play is devoted to this trial, but should also be read like an allegorical re-enactment of the Querelle du Cid, during which Corneille himself was put to a kind of a ‘’trial’’ by colleagues and critics scandalized by the moral and ideological audacity of this first play dedicated to a criminal hero. Our paper tries to point out in detail the analogies that authorize such a reading.
EN
Virtud, hija del cielo es la primera de tres odas que compuso Luis de León en honor de su amigo y protector, don Pedro Portocarrero. Su tema es la virtud heroica de Portocarrero, evidente durante su estancia en Galicia, donde pasó diez años (1570–1580) como regente. El artículo analiza la oda (su tema, sus imágenes, su estructura) a la luz de su modelo clásico, el Himno a Hermias de Aristóteles. Estudia también la imagen de Galicia y los gallegos que se desprende de su lectura.
PL
Powszechnie uważa się, że tradycja związana z apoteozą Romulusa i jego transformacją w boga Kwiryna miała znaczenie w ideologicznym i historyczno-religijnym procesie, który doprowadził do apoteozy Cezara i Augusta. Nie można jednak pomijać pewnych różnic. Romulus zyskał nieśmiertelność tylko dlatego, że stał się Kwirynem: Kwiryn był bogiem, Romulus zaś był człowiekiem. Portret Romulusa był demonstrowany w czasie pogrzebów jego potomków. Co więcej, mówiło się, że Romulus został zabity i rozczłonkowany. Starożytni autorzy całkowicie przeciwstawiają tę tradycję opowieści o apoteozie Romulusa, dopiero nowoczesne, historyczno-religijne porównanie daje możliwość ich pogodzenia. Z kolei przyjęcie tytułu divus, divus Iulius i divus Augustus wzięło górę nad ich śmiertelnością i ostatecznie ją zmazało: zakazano demonstrowania ich portretu w czasie pogrzebów. W kontekście tego dość skomplikowanego problemu oksymoron ossa Quirini, którego Horacy użył, czyniąc aluzję w stronę świętego grobowca Romulusa w dramatycznej Epodzie XVI (wersy 11-14), reprezentuje inną drogę immortalizacji: grecki model kultu założyciela znajduje swój nowy wyraz poprzez rzymską cechę przyjmowania nowej nazwy. Kult Eneasza-Pater (lub Iuppiter) Indiges w Lawinium jest interesującym, analogicznym przypadkiem.
EN
Adam Mickiewicz’s paraphrase of Ode III 30 by Horace has survived in two manuscript versions. In each, however, the incipit of Horace’s verse, treated as the title of the Polish poet’s work, is referred to in a slightly different form and its key word appears in as many as three variants (in two manuscript versions and in the first print edition). This fact and various interpretation possibilities related thereto constitute an essential part of the present remarks. The article ends with a supplement of sorts dedicated to the paraphrase of the same Horatian ode by Pushkin. The poem is a very important element of the Russian Romantic’s oeuvre; it is considered to be his poetic last will and testament. All the more surprising, it might seem, were the problems with its first publication, and some discrepancies in the alterations made in the first edition of the paraphrase by Mickiewicz indicate their common source – the “political incorrectness” of both authors.
PL
Word anus was used in a primarily negative sense to describe an old woman. Anus is usually presented as a libidinous and hideous hag who indulges in strong wine or practices black magic, mainly for erotic purposes. Though Latin literature brings as well examples of a different type of anus: goddesses assuming the shape of old women to guide or deceive the mortals and old prophetic women, inspired by the gods. Anus can be gifted with divine powers and secret knowledge. The paper traces the motif of anus as a witch or a divine woman on the basis of selected examples from the works of Horace, Ovid, Petronius, Apuleius and Silius Italicus.
PL
Powyższy artykuł poświęcony został kwestii swobody wypowiedzi poety w kontekście zagadnienia ochrony czci jednostki w prawie rzymskim. Analizie poddane zostały fragmenty satyry pierwszej z księgi drugiej, w której Horacy używa tytułowego określenia mala carmina. Pomocniczo wykorzystano głównie fragmenty satyry czwartej i dziesiątej z księgi pierwszej, choć pojawiają się także odniesienia do innych źródeł. Poza poruszaną w artykule problematyką znalazły się zagadnienia związane z politycznymi uwarunkowaniami wolności słowa w zakresie twórczości literackiej, jak również kwestie naruszenia dobrego imienia szczególnych kategorii osób, podlegających ochronie z tytułu maiestas. Podstawowe zagadnienie omawiane w artykule dotyczyło uregulowania stanowiącego podstawę ewentualnej odpowiedzialności poety za stworzone przez niego zniesławiające wiersze. W zakresie tym stwierdzić należy, iż mógł nim być jedynie edykt ne quid infamandi causa fiat, jako że ani ustawa decemwiralna, ani też lex Cornelia de iniuriis nie zawierały unormowań dotyczących zniesławienia. Warunkiem pociągnięcia autora do odpowiedzialności była możliwość przypisania mu, choćby ubocznie, działania infamandi causa. Takie zaś z pewnością występuje po stronie Horacego, który w celu uzdrowienia społeczeństwa używa konkretnych przykładów osób, dopuszczających się niepożądanych zachowań. Mimo zatem szlachetnej motywacji, a także – co podkreśla poeta – tworzenia w zgodzie z regułami gatunku, bohaterowie jego utworów mogli w skuteczny sposób skorzystać z ochrony, jaką dawała im actio iniuriarum.
EN
The above article is dedicated to the issue of freedom of speech of a poet in the light of a problem of defamation of an individual. The analysis is based on the fragments of Horace’s first satire from book two, where the notion of mala carmina was used. Fragments of satires 1,4 and 1,10 were used accessarily, some other texts being referred to as well. No remarks on the issue of political conditioning of the freedom of speech in poesy, nor the matter of injuring the good name of a special category of people being protected on maiestas grounds, were made. The essential question was about a regulation, which created a legal responsibility for an author of a libellous poem. It could be but the praetor’s ne quid infamandi causa fiat edict, as neither XII Tables, nor lex Cornelia de iniuriis included provisions on defamation. The condition under which an author of a lampoon could be found liable was acting (at least accessarily) infamandi causa. This kind of behaviour is certainly the case of Horace, who, aiming at moral sanation of the society, uses concrete examples of people behaving inappropriately. Despite the noble motivation and – what is especially underlined by the poet – following the principles of the genre, people used as characters in his poems could successfully use the legal protection by bringing actio iniuriarum.
RU
Вышеуказанная статья рассматривает вопрос свободы высказывания поэта в контексте вопроса защиты человеческой чести в римском праве. Были проанализированы фрагменты первой сатиры из второй книги, в которой Гораций использует заглавное определение mala carmina. Дополнительно использовано главные фрагменты четвертой и десятой сатиры из первой книги, хотя появляются также отнесения к другим источникам. Кроме обсуждаемой в статье проблематики явились вопросы, связанные с политическими условиями свободы слова в сфере литературного творчества, а также вопросы нарушения чести особых категорий лиц, подвергающихся защите из maiestas. Основной вопрос рассматриваемый в статье касался урегулирования, которое является основой возможной ответственностью поэта за созданные им порочащие стихи. Следует отметить, что мог им быть только эдикт ne quid infamandi causa fiat, так как ни децемвиральный закон или lex Cornelia de iniuriis не заключали положений, касающихся диффамации. Условием привлечения автора к ответственности была возможность приписания ему действия infamandi causa. Такое относится к Горацию, который в целях исцеления общества применяет конкретные примеры лиц, совершающие нежелательное поведение. Несмотря на благородную мотивацию, а также - как подчеркивает поэт - создавание в соответствии с правилами вида, герои его произведений могли в эффективный способ воспользоваться защитой, какую давала им actio iniuriarum.
EN
The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 61, issue 3 (2013). The aim of this article is to discover the literary context for Horace’s Epode 12 by juxtaposing it with Herondas’ mimes, particularly Mime 5, titled The Jealous Woman. The description of the relationship between these works is based on the ancient theory of rhetoric and on elements of Horace’s Ars poetica. It has been established that Epode 12 has numerous features of the literary mime: it is an apparent dialogue (sermocinatio, παρῳδή) recited by a single performer (mime), most probably in the scenery of an ancient feast. A participant in the feast becomes an actor, who first performs the role of a male lover (iuvenis) and then the role of a superannuated female lover (mulier). These character types are typical of both Old and New Comedy styles, but the whole dramatic setting seems to bear the greatest resemblance to Mime 5, in which the same literary protagonists are found in a scene analogous to a lovers’ quarrel. On the one hand, specific rhetorical figures (imitatio / μίμησις) indicate that the literary original was used in a creative manner. On the other, Mime 5 can also be used in the interpretation of Epode 12. This interpretation can be built on the processes of liberation and subjugation as part of the lovers’ relationship (actual subjugation in Mime 5 and metaphorical—financial—in Epode 12, where the iuvenis is the mulier’s “kept man”).
EN
Kleopatra – królowa, kochanka, matka – transformacja wizerunku. Transformations are not only conditioned by facts encompassing narrower or wider panoramas: from concentrating on death and one (political) role (the ode of Horace), through recalling Cleopatra’s mature life and love (the drama of Shakespeare), to creating an image embracing the heroine’s whole life with its numerous roles, but as a mother and a daughter in the first place, because even her lovers resemble a father and a child (the fictional biography of Karen Essex). Above all, they appear to be more connected with different attitudes towards universal references lying within human cognitive abilities. Horace’s didactic opposition of contradictory patterns leads to the victory of one of them — and it is a linear pattern, as an equivalent of modern myth, which is accepted by the author himself. In Shakespeare, it takes a form of tragedy resulting from the fragmentary character of each pattern, one of which introduces change (archaic myth) and the other constancy (modern myth), and from a painful attempt to combine them. In Essex, the vision of the world in which archaic myth, strongly represented by a child, triumphs is utopian. Irrespective of the differences, all the works realize the essential role played by images developed by heroes, and especially by authors, in human cognition
PL
Na długo przed wyszczególnieniem przez psychologów pięciu etapów żałoby rzymski poeta Horacy instynktownie uczynił to w swojej Odzie 1.24, napisanej po śmierci przyjaciela, Kwintyliusza Warusa. W utworze tym poeta bardzo trafnie scharakteryzował kolejno stadia depresji, zaprzeczenia, negocjowania, gniewu oraz akceptacji.
EN
Long before modern psychologists classified and explained the five stages of grief, the Roman poet Horace gave an instuitive portrayal of these stages in his Ode 1 24, which was written after the death of his friend Quintilius Varus. In this poem, Horace with great accuracy describes the consecutive phases of grief, which are nowadays defined as depression, denial, bargaining, anger and acceptance.
EN
Long before modern psychology classified and explained the five stages of mourning, the Roman poet Horace made an intuitive portrayal of these stages in his Ode I.24, which was written on the death of his friend Quintilius Varus. In this poem, Horace describes the consecutive phases of grief in bereavement – nowadays defined as depression, denial, bargaining, anger and acceptance – with remarkable accuracy.
PL
Na długo przed wyszczególnieniem przez psychologów pięciu etapów żałoby rzymski poeta Horacy instynktownie uczynił to w swojej Odzie 1.24, napisanej po śmierci przyjaciela, Kwintyliusza Warusa. W utworze tym poeta bardzo trafnie scharakteryzował kolejno stadia depresji, zaprzeczenia, negocjowania, gniewu oraz akceptacji.
EN
This article aims at discovering the literary context for Horace’s Epode 12 through juxtaposing it against Herondas’ mimes; in particular against Mime V, entitled Jealous. The description of the relationship that obtains between these works relies on the ancient theory of rhetoric and on elements of Ars poetica by Horace. The research helped determine that Epode 12 reveals numerous features that are characteristic of the mime: it is an apparent dialogue (sermocinatio) recited by a single performer (mime), most probably in a scenery of an ancient feast. A participant of the feast becomes an actor, who first performs the role of a male lover (iuvenis), and then he plays an elderly female lover (mulier). These protagonists are typical of old and new comedy styles. Nevertheless, the whole dramatic setting seems to bear the semblance of Mime V, in which the same literary protagonists can be found in the scene of a row between lovers. Specific rhetorical figures (imitatio) indicate, on the one hand, that the literary original was used in a creative manner. On the other, Mime V can also be used in the interpretation of Epode 12. This interpretation can be built on the processes of liberation and subjugation as part of the lovers’ relationship (actual subjugation in Mime V, and metaphorical - financial in Epode 12, where iuvenis is mulier’s “kept man”).
PL
Postać i twórczość jednego z najwybitniejszych rzymskich poetów, czyli Horacego, jest znana niemal każdemu w odróżnieniu do filozofa, medyka i pedagoga Sebastiana Petrycego z Pilzna. Ten ostatni niejednokrotnie sięgał po stanowiące dlań źródło inspiracji pisma Horacego, przez co to właśnie jemu polski czytelnik zawdzięcza pierwszy przekład pieśni sławetnego Rzymianina. Jednym z wielu, lecz nader istotnym z perspektywy Horacjańskiej twórczości, jawi się wątek erotyczny, który następnie został podjęty przez Petrycego w Odach. Celem artykułu jest przeto omówienie głównych miłosnych motywów obecnych u Horacego oraz ich Petrycjańskich adaptacji przy uwzględnieniu przestróg polskiego tłumacza odnoszących się do tematyki erotyczno‑miłosnej.
XX
While serving his sentence in the Moscovsky prison Sebastian Petrycy of Pilzno, Polish Aristotelian, translated, adapted and attached the commentaries to the cantos of Quintus Horatius Flaccus. For him it was primarily a form of consolation during that severe punishment, for the generations of readers it was and is a magnificent fusion of poetry ant moral philosophy at its finest. The translated text constituted a base for creating a paraphrase of the wisdom of the Roman poet in order to make it more understandable for Polish audience. He intertwined Horatian lyrics with Polish expressions and assimilated it with indigenous reality of his times. Moreover, he put his effort in explaining the poetic message in its most philosophical aspects adding the set of commentaries along the main text. In this article the erotic motif of Horatian poetry and Petricean rendition and comments will be analyzed and exposed from a philosophical perspective. And as far as love and desire remain the main pillars of human essentiality, the Authors aim into emphasizing the importance of Petrycy’s work from ethical and pedagogical points of view.
EN
The purpose of this article is to determine the function of one of the minor literary motifs present in the Roman literature of the Augustan period, i.e., the motif of the perfumed and wealthy Arab and fragrant and rich Arabia. This goal is achieved here in two steps: first, the appropriate source material is compiled, and then the material is analysed and the conclusions are formulated. The source material in this case is seventeen extracts from Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Pseudo-Tibullus, Propercius and Ovid. These fragments were divided into those, in which the respective fragrance motif was embedded in the axiological context (sixteen fragments), and those, in which the motif appears in the neutral context (one fragment). Among the first there were separated those, in which the positive axiological context is dealt with (ten fragments), and those, in which the negative axiological context is dealt with (six fragments). The fragments of the first type mention the value of a woman (four fragments), religious activities (three fragments), the Roman land (two fragments) and peace (one fragment), while the fragments of the second type express the worthlessness of wealth (five fragments) and remoteness from the loved person (one fragment). In turn, the analysis was carried out in two steps. First, it was found that Latin poets and writers of the Augustan period use the fragrance motif when they value, whether positively or negatively, people or things or situations, or activities, and that these writers use the motif discussed here to build images that appeal to the public. Secondly, it was established that the Arabic motif is expressed at the same time in a lot of different words, should all the fragments in which it appears, be taken together, and in few words, should each of the fragments should be considered separately.
|
2021
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vol. 69
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issue 3
63-93
EN
This article contains a semiotic analysis of the “dancing procession” motif in Carm. III 30 Exegi monumentum (vv. 7–14) in the perspective of the topos of a meeting with a deity in the Horacian lyric, that was defined as a form of a rite of passage. The author also sought to answer the question of the function of the said motif in the composition of the text and in shaping the figure of the author’s subject, shown as a “poet” (vates). The posed research problem required the use of a semiotic definition of the text and forced an approach to the topos of a meeting with a deity as a cultural text. Which, in turn, bear in on reference to anthropology (the concept of ritual) and cultural studies (κῶμος, χορός), as well as linguistics in terms of semantics and the aspect of a verb. After the analysis the author concluded that the “dancing procession” motif in the ode Exegi monumentum is shown in two phases as a cyclical, ritual χορός, which became a sign of the one-time κῶμος. In this sense, the motif was shown as a figure of memory, referring to the fact that Horace combined Aeolian meters with Roman literature. In reply to the question regarding the figure of the subject, the author indicated that on the basis of the above figure of memory the vates was deified and as such he took the place of the deity in the literary transformation of the topos of the meeting with a deity, aspiring to a role analogous to the figure of “Anacreont” in Anacreontic poetry.
PL
Celem artykułu jest semiotyczna analiza motywu „pochodu tanecznego” w Carm. III, 30 Exegi monumentum (w. 7-14) w perspektywie toposu spotkania z bóstwem w liryce Horacjańskiej, rozumianego jako forma rytuału przejścia. Autor poszukuje również odpowiedzi na pytanie, jaką funkcję pełni przywołany motyw w kompozycji tekstu oraz w ukształtowaniu figury podmiotu odautorskiego, ukazanego w roli „poety” (vates). Postawiona problematyka wymagała odniesienia się do semiotycznej definicji tekstu oraz ujęcia toposu spotkania z bóstwem jako tekstu kultury. To z kolei wpłynęło na odniesienie się do badań antropologicznych (pojęcie rytuału) oraz kulturoznawczych (κῶμος, χορός), a także językoznawczych w zakresie semantyki i aspektu czasownika. Po przeprowadzonej analizie autor doszedł do wniosku, że motyw „pochodu tanecznego” w pieśni Exegi monumentum został ukazany dwufazowo jako cykliczny, rytualny χορός, który stał się znakiem jednorazowego κῶμος. W tym sensie motyw ten został ukazany jako figura pamięci, odnosząca się do faktu połączenia przez Horacego miar eolskich z literaturą rzymską. W odpowiedzi na pytanie o konstrukcję podmiotu autor wskazał, że na bazie powyższej figury pamięci nastąpiło ubóstwienie wieszcza, który w przeformułowanym toposie spotkania z bóstwem zajmuje miejsce samego bóstwa, aspirując do roli analogicznej do figury „Anakreonta” w poezji anakreontejskiej (Carm. Anacr. 1 W, 1-3, 11-17).
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