In the article the level and conditions of development of tourist services in Hutsulshchyna is considered. The environmental and cultural potential of this mountain territory seems to be entirely unique in the 21st century. Historical, natural, and cultural conditions, and development of transport infrastructure are important in forming modern basic tourist infrastructure. As for today, tourist infrastructure and services are better developed in the Galicia district of Hutsulshchyna, where first-ever tourist cells were concentrated and a transport system is better developed. The Galicia district of Hutsulshchyna practically provides 70% of tourist services.
Continuing Jacek Kolbuszewski’s exegesis of the spatial orders in Stanisław Vincenz’s Na wysokiej połoninie (On the High Mountain Pastures), the author of the article attempts to recreate the “philosophy of space” as formulated by the Homer of the Hutsuls. He carries out a detailed analysis of two fragments of the Hutsul epic: Maksym the seer’s story of a rock church from Barwinkowy wianek (Periwinkle Wreath) and Foka Szumejowy’s expedition to the navel of the earth described in Zwada (Squabble). In both case inspirations from Dante’s Divine Comedy can be seen primarily in the expansion of space: on the one hand to include the world of the dead and on the other — the universe understood in Platonic terms. Both journeys also have many characteristics testifying to their initiation-related nature. Particularly important in this respect is the expedition undertaken by Foka and his friends to the source of the Cheremosh River deep inside the Palenica Mountain, on top of which Wincenty Pol placed the point where the borders of three countries — Poland, Hungary and Romania — met. Although in the light of modern research such a location of the old border between the three states is wrong, this is precisely where Vincenz places the navel of the earth. It appear as a distant echo of the omphalos stone from Delphi; a mystical place marked by extraordinarily dense symbolism: centre of the world, bringing together the heavenly and the earthly orders, the living and the dead, and annihilating the temporal dimension. The interpretation of the symbolism of Vincenz’s navel of the world is complemented by Klucz (Key), which opens Zwada and in which the author suggests a universal dimension of the history of culture, and, at the same time, mystery-like nature of art, especially literature.
Huculszczyzna w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej ukazywana była jako kraina półdzika, malownicza, osnuta ludową mitologią i magią. Postrzegana była jako ośrodek życia nieskażonego cywilizacją posiadający wielką energię i żywiołowość. Wytworzył się swoisty stereotyp Huculszczyzny jako wyidealizowanej ziemi gdzie najlepsze przymioty charakteryzujące tereny, ludzi i tradycję połączyły się w bardzo atrakcyjny wzór życia społecznego. Walory Huculszczyzny odsłaniały się dla Polaków na różnych obszarach zainteresowania społecznego: turystyka, sztuka, podróży itd.
Geographical Names of the Hutsul Region in the First Volume of the Novel “On the High Uplands” by S. Vincenz (In Light of S. Hrabec’s Research) The aim of the paper is to discuss the linguistic and onymic properties of the geographical names of the Hutsul region (Гуцульщина, Ukraine) used by Stanisław Vincenz in the first volume (“Prawda starowieku”) of his tetralogy “Na wysokiej połoninie” (“On the High Uplands”). The volume was first published in 1936. The second edition appeared in 1980 in Poland and was the one which had the greatest impact on the reception of the Vincenz’s work in the Polish readership after WW2. This is why the 1980 edition has been used as the source of analysed toponymic material. The main finding is that the analysed toponymy is of heterogeneous and (to a certain extent) hybrid nature, combining Polish, Ukrainian, and dialectal Hucul linguistic properties, which perfectly coincides with general tendency in the use of geographical names of the Hucul region in texts produced in the Polish language from the mid-19th century. The names used by Vincenz in the book written in the period 1930–1936 seem to faithfully reflect some specific characteristics of Hutsul toponymy in the 1930s (as discussed by the linguist Stefan Hrabec in his dissertation). Finally, some instances of toponyms’ declension present in “Prawda starowieku” are discussed together with some examples of (partially folk) etymologies codified by Vincenz in his work.
Early mountain climbing in the distant, expansive, and wild Eastern Carpathians in a far corner of Galicia (then part of Austria-Hungary, today in Ukraine) looked rather different from that practiced in the Tatra mountains. This is attested to by the near universal use of the services of the local Hutsul highlanders with their horses in order to cover the greater distances from the piedmont localities, reachable by carriage or railway, to the mountain peaks. The present article — based on descriptions of expeditions in newspapers and specialized journals, books, and memoirs — considers the experience of various individuals and groups that conquered or attempted to conquer the peaks of Czarnohora from about 1873 to to the first years of the 20th century. Among the climbers of the period one finds Tatra Society activists, students from the Galician capital of Lwów/Lemberg/L’viv, as well as a young Scotchwoman. Among other things, the article analyzes the challenges of the expeditions and the motivation and impressions of the participants in order to better understand why, despite the passage of time as well as the experiences of earlier mountain climbers, the peaks of Czarnohora in this period long remained only lightly frequented.
The development of resorts and spas in the Hutsul region before World War I has been a blank spot in Polish and Ukrainian historiography. This chapter presents the state of current research. Development in the region began for good after 1894, the year the Stanisławów-Körösmezö railway was opened. Built by the Austrian authorities with military and strategic aims in mind, the railway nonetheless made this beautiful but wild borderland region accessible to masses of guests from the cities of Eastern Galicia who sought to breathe the fresh highland air, take baths of various kinds as well as relax and vacation. This chapter focuses on the activities of a series of entrepreneurial individuals who revolutionized the region by building villas and hotels, establishing restaurants and stores as well as supplying the high-altitude resorts with the necessary infrastructure — whatever was needed to create resorts on a “European” level. This rapid “europeanization” of the Carpathian wilderness was transgressive in that it violated the status quo and turned local norms upside down. This had implications for ethnic relations in the region, with Ukrainians and Hutsuls as well as Poles, Jews and Germans involved.
The article examines the image of the Hutsuls in Ferdynand Antoni Ossendowski’s oeuvre. The author analyses the writer’s monograph Huculszczyzna, Gorgany i Czarnohora, reportage writing, articles (published by Kurier Warszawski), so-called Hutsul novels (Postrach gór [The Terror of the Mountains]), examining the use of traditional stereotypes forming part of the cultural heritage of a given ethnic group and referring to e.g. perception of other nationalities, and ways of combining them with individual opinions stemming from observation and personal experience. She points to the symbiosis between the apologetic and Romantic concepts of the folk hero with nationhood ideas of Ossendowski’s times using e.g. the principles of inter-war regionalism.
The author draws on Andrzej Hejmej’s concepts of three types of musicality in literature. Although all three types can be found in Stanisław Vincenz’s Na wysokiej połoninie, the author focuses on type II, i.e. descriptions of music, especially music made by people. In his entire Hutsul tetralogy Vincenz describes various kinds of music: from Hutsul music to Mozart, the sound of harmony, Jewish, Gypsy and Hungarian music, sporadically also mentioning devilish and heavenly music. On the other hand, the article does not examine the extraordinary wealth of descriptions of the sounds of nature. Hutsul music is evoked in a radical manner by Vincenz, who places sheet music before several chapters of Volume I. In addition, he frequently cites songs, both traditional Hutsul songs as well as their compilations and his own original poetry. Another way of evoking music is through frequent references to Hutsul instruments with their rich symbolism. The most important instrument in the tetralogy is the floyera. This edge-blown pipe known in various variants from East Asia to indigenous Indian cultures is perhaps the most primeval, traditional shepherds’ instrument among the Hutsuls. Almost all important characters in the tetralogy play the floyera masterfully: the hoodlums Ołeksa Dobosz and Dmytro Wasyluk, the farmer Foka Szumej and story-teller Andrijko, the legendary headman and the greatest of them, Dmytro’s friend, Kudej. In Vincenz’s vision each of them uses his musical skill and magical or even mystical properties of the sounds and of the instrument itself in a different way. There are references to the myth of Orpheus and the parable of Job. Although the floyera is primarily a solo instrument, it can initiate song and takes its own songs from the murmur of the forest or sizzling of fire. Playing the instrument can make a space sacred, thus it expresses the whole gamut of the player’s emotions: from joy and rapture to sadness and grief. The descriptions of music in Vincenz’s work are decidedly poetic, they do not refer to specific compositions and the writer makes the description even more vivid by changing the perspective: from a description of sounds entering into dialogue with nature and other instruments, through a description of the musician’s behaviour and the listeners’ reactions, to the symbolic dimension of sound and its impact on its surroundings. The power of the floyera is shown to the full in the story of the Syrojida. Its main protagonist, Kudil, was able, thanks to the “divine music” of the floyera, to inspire a desire for freedom in the enslaved swinemen, and restore their original, plant nature to their tormentors. Ultimately, the symbolism of the instrument draws on the Cross and the Holy Spirit.
Celem artykułu jest omówienie najważniejszych elementów i założeń nowo zaprojektowanej teorii uzusu toponimicznego objaśniającej mechanizmy rozpowszechniania się określonych wariantów nazw geograficznych. Prezentowana teoria wprowadza pojęcia uzusu toponimicznego,uzusu indywidualnego i uzusu zbiorowego. Zawiera ponadto inwentarz indywidualnych i zbiorowych czynników kształtujących uzus toponimiczny. Oddziaływanie wybranych czynników zilustrowano przykładami kilku wybranych nazw geograficznych z obszaru Huculszczyzny obecnych w tekstach języka polskiego:Pop Iwan,Żabie/Werchowyna,Rafajłowa,Stoh/Stóg,Hnitessa.
EN
The aim of this paper is to discuss the most important elements and theses of the newly developed theory of toponymic usus which explains the mechanisms of dissemination of various variants of geographical names. The presented theory introduces the concepts of toponymic usus, individual usus and collective usus. The theory includes an inventory of individual and social factors forming the toponymic usus. The influence of the selected factors has been illustrated with examples of several geographical names form the Hutsul region which are present in texts in Polish: Pop Iwan, Żabie/Werchowyna, Rafajłowa, Stoh/Stóg, Hnitessa.
Until the beginning of the 20th century, animal husbandry in the pastoral community in the vicinity of Werchowyna was one of the main axes of the organization of the year of farm work. Nowadays, the role of animals in this region is still important, and animal farming is one of the main factors of the local economy. Basing on the source materials collected by Polish and Ukrainian researchers, the article presents the most important practices for the old Hutsul community, which were often of magical character and aimed at protecting animals, and socio-economicmotives that were the inspiration in the old sheep farming during summer grazing. All these have constituted the historical background for compiling information that enable determining the contemporary image of sheep in the community of Hutsulshepherds
Artykuł oparty na badaniach przeprowadzonych na Huculszczyźnie koncentruje się na narracjach osób zesłanych na Sybir w latach 1946-1952. Wyróżniam konstruowany przez rozmówców schemat narracyjny: (1) ukazanie życia przed wywózką jako bardzo ciężkiego i pozbawionego sprawczości ze względu na zmagania ruchu partyzanckiego z radzieckim okupantem, (2) moment wywózki opisywany zdawkowo, jako „ucięcie nożem“ i przeniesienie do nowej rzeczywistości, (3) przedstawienie codzienności na zesłaniu jako z początku niezwykle trudnej, ale z czasem, za pośrednictwem pracy, okiełznanej, gdzie można wieść jak najbardziej „normalne“, a nawet dostatnie życie. Wskazuję również przyczyny, ze względu na które te narracje są tak odmienne od opowieści o represjach sowieckim spotykanych na gruncie polskim, skupiających się na traumie i martyrologii.
One of the more fascinating cultural and climatic regions of the II Republic of Poland was Hutsul region located in Stanisławów Voivodeship. Initially, the region was outside the circle of interests of tour operators. Only just the early thirties of the twentieth century was considered that Hutsul region should become an important element of Polish tourism and sport policy. First and foremost the contemporary Ministry of Military Affairs was designated to accomplish this task. An important role also come, on established in 1932, Friends of Hutsul Region Association. In the years 1933–1935 – in the summer time – nationwide „Hutsul Festivals” were organized. Its „winter” counterpart was the Winter Marches of Hutsul’s Rout of the II Brigade of Polish Legions. Tourist-sport events, largely of political and propaganda character, were accompanied by a fight to improve the tourist infrastructure. The main aspect of this was uprising in 1935–1938 the magnificent – even monumental – Hutsul Museum in Żabie. As a result – at the end of the interwar period – Hutsul region became a region competing with Tatra Mountains and Zakopane for the primacy in tourist aspect.
PL
Jednym z bardziej fascynujących regionów kulturowo-klimatycznych Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej była Huculszczyzna, położona w województwie stanisławowskim. Początkowo region ten pozostawał poza kręgiem zainteresowań organizatorów działalności turystycznej. Dopiero na początku lat trzydziestych XX wieku uznano, że Huculszczyzna powinna stać się ważnym elementem polskiej polityki turystyczno-sportowej. Do realizacji tego zadania skierowano przede wszystkim ówczesne Ministerstwo Spraw Wojskowych. Ważna rola przypadła też utworzonemu w 1932 roku Towarzystwu Przyjaciół Huculszczyzny. W latach 1933–1935, w okresach letnich, organizowano ogólnopolskie Święta Huculszczyzny. Ich zimowym odpowiednikiem były Zimowe Marsze Huculskim Szlakiem II Brygady Legionów Polskich. Imprezom turystyczno-sportowym, w dużej mierze o charakterze polityczno-propagandowym, towarzyszyła walka o poprawę infrastruktury turystycznej. Głównym tego przejawem było zbudowanie w latach 1935–1938 okazałego Muzeum Huculskiego w Żabiem. W efekcie, pod koniec międzywojnia, Huculszczyzna stała się pod względem turystycznym regionem konkurującym o pierwszeństwo z Tatrami i Zakopanem.
In 2013, the tserkva dedicated to the Ascension, and traditionally called the Strukivska tserkva, in Yasinia, in the district of Rakhiv, in the Transcarpathian area, in the Hutsul Lands, was inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, together with fifteen other wooden tserkvas in Polish and Ukrainian Carpathian region. Due to his long-lasting supervision over inventory measurements of the Hutsul folk architecture and wooden sacred architecture in the Hutsul Lands and in the Pokuttya region, the author makes a detailed presentation of this temple, which is known in Poland mainly in tourist and sightseeing circles, and compares it with other Hutsul tserkvas with similar plan characteristics. The article contains presentation of the history of this tserkva, which was built in 1824. Its traditional name is supposed to originate from the surname of a Hutsul shepherd, Ivan Struk, who probably founded it as a votive offering for a miraculous rescue of a flock of sheep in winter, which is a theme of a legend that is popular in this part of the Hutsul Lands. On the basis of the field studies that – among others – resulted in making measurement documentation by architecture students from the Lodz University of Technology, under the supervision of the author, there are discussed characteristics of the log construction, with consideration given to the use of squared timber, corners with dovetail joints and cut endings of logs, which is common among others in wooden sacred architecture in the Transcarpathian area, but more seldom in the Galician Hutsul Lands. The temple has no choir gallery over the vestibule for women, which is atypical in Hutsul tserkvas, yet here it is a result of very small sizes of the object. In the tserkva there has been preserved a valuable baroque iconostasis, unfortunately with icons that have been painted on the former paintings recently. A high artistic value is represented by a few other elements of the decor: single icons, processional crosses and banners. Another interesting element is a severe decoration of wooden construction arches at the junction of nave square and side arms, with the characteristic wooden volutes, which is unique for the Hutsul Lands but known for example in the Podhale region. It is one of the two tserkvas of the Hutsul type situated on the South of the Carpathian arch. Other wooden tserkvas in this area belong to totally different types of spatial forms, which are not related to the Hutsul Lands. Due to its plan and shape the one-dome Strukivska tserkva may be classified to the group of a dozen or so recognised wooden temples mainly from the Galician Hutsul Lands and the Pokuttya region that are based on a spatial pattern of a central building on the Greek cross plan, which is composed of five squares, with the middle one being bigger than the remaining ones. This group may comprise both elder (the end of the 18th c. – the beginning of the 19th c.) traditional one-dome Hutsul tserkvas, such as: Deliatyn (1785, extended in 1894, 1902, 1911- -1912), Velyka Kam’yanka (1794), Zelena, the district of Nadvirna (1796, later extended), Zhabye Slupeyka (about 1800, extended in 1850, does not exist), Dora (1823, extended in 1844), Lojeva (1835), Bili Oslavy (called the lower one, 1835), and fivedome objects from the 2nd half of the 19th c.: Tlumachyk (1852, does not exist), Knyazhdvir (1864, does not exist), and Havrylivka (1862, not examined by the author yet), and also the threedome tserkva in Hvizdets (1855), in which the side arms are narrower (rectangular, not square). Whereas, three temples from the parish of Mykulychyn, designed by professionals: Mykulychyn (1868, designed by the architect J. Czajkowski), Tatariv (1912, designed by the architect Franciszek Mączyński from Cracow, polychromes made by the painter Karol Maszkowski, also from Cracow) and Polyanytsya Popovichivska (1912, does not exist), the so called new tserkva in Vorokhta (the 30s of the 20th c.), the tserkva in Zarichchya (1943, designed by the architect Lev Levyns’kyi), are creative interpretations of the original pattern. The two latter ones may be classified simultaneously to a large group of tserkvas in the national Ukrainian style. Similar characteristics are probably to be found in the tserkva in Tysmyenichany (1865), not examined by the author yet. A few tserkvas were extended from the classic three-part plan to the ‘cross’ plan with an enlarged nave square by means of adding side arms; for example: Krasne, the district of Rozhniativ, earlier the county of Kalush (about 1840, extended, 1899 rebuilt) and Chornyi Potik, (the 19th c?). The Strukivska tserkva is decidedly the smallest one in the discussed group (side of the nave log construction is about 5 metres long), which may be explained by the fact that it was a private, peasant foundation. Tserkvas that belong to the pattern described above are situated in a quite compact group in a relatively small geographical area, which may be basically associated mainly with the upper Pruth valley from Vorokhta to Zabolotiv. Some of them are located by roadsides that lead to major tracts or to the Pruth valley. The river and trade routes at its banks contributed to spreading of the pattern, yet it did not spread beyond these tracts. Maybe, in the course of some further studies in the areas of Pokuttya, at the North of the Pruth river, which have been less explored yet, it will happen to find some other examples of objects with the same original plan. The pattern of the tserkva at the Greek cross plan with enlarged nave square was present (though very rare) not only in other regions of former Galicia, but also in Northern, middle, and Eastern lands of Ukraine. However, tserkvas of this type did not exist in a compact group in such a small area as in the discussed region of the Hutsul Lands and Pokuttya. Due to its morphology the group described as the cruciform tserkvas with enlarged nave square presents a set that may be distinguished from the remaining types of wooden temples in the Hutsul Lands and Pokuttya, and may be referred to as Western or – to be more precise – North-Western type the Hutsul wooden tserkva with two variants and older and younger variations. It is not only the fact of identical scheme of groundfloor plan and similar sizes that is significant here, but also the time when the temples were built (the end of the 18th c. – the beginning of the 2nd half of the 19th c.). An additional fact that in this area there were built a few other tserkvas the forms of which present an interpretation of the original pattern indicates that the pattern was so marked in the described area that it was also observed by professionals, who as early as in the 2nd half of the 19th c. and the beginning of the 20th c. wanted to respect consciously the local building traditions, which presented an inspiration for them. The Strukivska tserkva in Yasinia constitutes a very important element in this interesting group of temples. It is an ‘import’ of the pattern of ‘cruciform’ tserkva from the Galician Hutsul Lands to the Transcarpathians. It was built at the same time when the model of ‘cruciform’ tserkvas with enlarged nave square was spreading to the North from the main Carpathian arch. It represents a high level of building technique, with some distinct features that were characteristic of the area. It has been preserved in a relatively pure form, not ‘spoiled’ (as some other Hutsul tserkvas) with extending, rebuilding, or changing materials for covering walls and roofs. At present, it does not demand any important conservatory works. The inscription of this tserkva on the UNESCO World Heritage List seems thoroughly justified. In the group of eight Ukrainian wooden tserkvas that are inscribed on the List, as many as two come from the Hutsul Lands and Pokuttya, which is a clear evidence for the role of this region for the Ukrainian culture. Translated by Joanna Witkowska
The works by S. Vincenz are a phenomenon from the borderline of cultures, a testimony of the expansion of Ukrainian-Polish cultural and literary connections. The tetralogy Na wysokiej połoninie (On the high meadow) presents a wide panorama of the Hutsul region, the harmony of coexistence of representatives of different ethnic groups on the background of the untouched nature, which is mythologised, becomes an active participant in the life of the inhabitants of the Carpathians. Intermediality is dominant in the tetralogy Na wysokiej połoninie, because the combination of different arts (including music and painting) facilitates a better disclosure of the unique folk customs and rituals, the ontology of life, the history of Hutsul folk instruments and the specifi c characteristics of their use, symbolism, folk dances, the role played by sounds of nature, mystical meaning of the natural phenomena that have surrounded the human being since ancient time. The paper deals with the analysis of the specifi c characteristics of the writer’s use of musical and pictorial paintings in the work, the use of linguistic means with which the author creates rhythmic prose, captures the sound vibrations of the nature of the Carpathians as a unique space existing in harmony with the human being, which was an innovative phenomenon at the beginning of the 20th century. It was established that musicality in the tetralogy Na wysokiej połoninie is constructed through onomatopoeia, mythologisation of the natural elements, is an important part of the Hutsuls’ traditions, history, life, is a manifestation of the love of nature as a source of a unique polyphony, harmony, silence, promotes the opening of space-time to the macrocosm, and emphasises the uniqueness of the greatness of the Carpathian region and its inhabitants.
PL
Twórczość S. Vincenza jawi się jako fenomen pogranicza kultur pogłębiający ukraińsko-polskie relacje kulturalne i literackie. W pierwszej części tetralogii Na wysokiej połoninie została nakreślona szeroka panorama Huculszczyzny, pełne harmonii współistnienie przedstawicieli różnych grup etnicznych na tle natury, która – poddana mitologizacji – staje się ważną częścią życia mieszkańców Karpat. Dominująca intermedialność w utworze, wynikająca z połączenia muzyki, malarstwa i sztuk plastycznych, sprzyja lepszemu ujawnieniu unikatowych, ludowych obyczajów i obrzędów, ontologii, historii tworzenia ludowych huculskich instrumentów muzycznych i specyfi ki ich wykorzystania, symboliki, huculskich tańców, roli dźwięków natury, mistycznego sensu zjawisk przyrody, które otaczały człowieka od wieków. Celem niniejszej analizy uczyniono próbę ukazania specyfi ki wykorzystania w utworze przez pisarza muzycznych i artystycznych obrazów, użycia środków językowych, za pomocą których autor konstruuje prozę rytmizowaną, rejestruje dźwiękowe wibracje natury Karpat, jakby unikatowego kosmosu harmonizującego z egzystencją człowieka, co niewątpliwie było nowatorskim zjawiskiem na początku XX wieku. Muzyczność w analizowanym utworze jest oddawana za pomocą onomatopei, mitologizacji żywiołów natury, mistyki. Muzyczność została zapisana w tradycjach Hucułów, ich historii, bycie, zamiłowaniu do natury, która jest źródłem tworzenia polifonii, połączenia milczenia i ciszy, sprzyja rozszerzeniu przestrzeni i czasu do wszechświata.
The article discusses research findings on issues related to the preparations for defending the country taken at the end of the 1930s by the leadership of the Polish armed forces. Although the current historiography contains a great number of studies and articles dealing with this subject, the impression is that the role played by military propaganda in these preparations received too little emphasis. Propaganda for the defence of the state was intended to include as many citizens of Polish society as possible, also from ethnically and geographically diverse backgrounds. Therefore, the article contains an analysis of extensive propaganda activities, which after 1935 were implemented by the Polish military authorities in the face of the growing threat of war, carried out mainly on the basis of archives from the resources of the Central Military Archives (Centralne Archiwum Wojskowe) in Warsaw. The essence of the discussion is the question why the military authorities of that time insisted that highlanders living in the Eastern Carpathians, primarily the Hutsuls, be involved in the defence preparations of the country. In the first place, propaganda measures were considered, with the help of which the army's leadership tried to influence the civilian population. Trying to explain why the use of the most effective propaganda tools, such as the press, radio and sound film turned out to be ineffective towards highlanders living in the furthest corners of the Carpathians, among other things, the lack of a well-developed communication network in that area was indicated. It was established that in the present situation the military authorities managed to involve the Hutsuls, Lemkos and Boykos in the life of the current state only thanks to the annual organisation of the ‘Mountain Festival’. The celebrations organised in order to unite all highlanders who lived in the territory of the Polish state were also conducive to carrying out effective military activities by the armed forces against the Polish population most distant from civilisation. Research has shown that this type of activities was of great importance for the development of the situation in the Eastern Lesser Poland dominated by Ukrainian nationalists. Attention was drawn to the extremely valuable assets of the Hutsul region. It was an exceptionally attractive area in terms of tourism, sports and health. Thus, it had the chance to attract crowds of tourists from all over the country, which would strengthen the Polish element in the whole region. Hutsuls, however, were sceptical about the Ukrainian national movement, which made the army's leadership recognise them as an element easy to bind with the Polish state. Thereby, the inhabitants of the Hutsul region could be a counterbalance to the anti-state Ukrainian movement in Eastern Lesser Poland – an area of strategic importance! Unfortunately, advanced and properly conducted works were interrupted by the outbreak of the Second World War.
PL
Druga połowa lat trzydziestych upływała pod znakiem nasilającego się zagrożenia wojennego. Władze wojskowe Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej usiłowały objąć propagandą na rzecz obrony kraju, zróżnicowane pod wieloma względami społeczeństwo polskie. Z powodu napiętej sytuacji w Małopolsce Wschodniej, kierownictwu sił zbrojnych bardzo zależało, aby w przygotowania wojenne zaangażować górali zamieszkujących najdalsze zakątki Karpat, w szczególności Hucułów. Brak odpowiednio rozbudowanej sieci komunikacyjnej na terenie Karpat Wschodnich, nie pozwolił na zastosowanie najskuteczniejszych narzędzi propagandowych, jakimi wówczas były prasa, radio oraz film dźwiękowy. Zainteresowanie sprawami państwa wśród Hucułów, Łemków i Bojków – górali najbardziej oddalonych od cywilizacji, wzbudziło dopiero organizowane co roku (1935–1938) „Święto Gór”. Współpraca górali huculskich z armią, ułatwiała walkę z antypaństwowym ruchem ukraińskim w Małopolsce Wschodniej. Do wzmocnienia polskości w tym regionie przyczynić się miało również odpowiednie wykorzystanie nieocenionych walorów Huculszczyzny.
У двох повістях Юзефа Віттліна, в «Солі землі» та у збереженому фрагменті «Здорової смерті», знаходяться численні посилання на гуцульську тематику (Гуцульщина та її мешканці гуцули). Письменник застосував стереотипи і міфи, які вже використовувалися у ХІХ столітті, переносячи їх на дві постаті головних героїв. В післявоєнній кореспонденції з Станіславом Вінцензем, автором циклу «На високій полонині», ці згадки та звертання до Гуцульщини, Віттлін пов’язує з власною особистою ситуацією на еміграції. Автор статті ставить питання про зв›язок, який існує між гуцульськими мотивами в текстах, що належать вже до історії літератури і цих мотивів в егодокументах. Це метод, що дозволяє проаналізувати цю взаємозалежність є антропологією пережитого і походить з герменевтики Вільгельма Дільтея, удосконалений Едвардом М. Брунером.
EN
Two novels by Józef Wittlin: Sól ziemi (The Salt of the Earth) and the preserved fragment of Zdrowa śmierć (Healthy Death) contain numerous references to the Hutsul motifs (The Hutsul Land and the Eastern Carpathian highlanders). The writer applied the stereotype and the myth established in the 19th century onto to the two main characters. In the post-war correspondence with Stanisław Vincenz, the author of the series Na wysokiej połoninie (On the High Uplands), Wittlin connects the allusive references with his personal situation in exile. The author of the paper poses questions about the connection among the Hutsul topics in the texts from the history of literature and egodocuments, describing it through the lenses of the anthropology of experience derived from Wilhelm Dilthey’s hermeneutics, further developed by Edward M. Bruner.
PL
W dwóch powieściowych dziełach Józefa Wittlina, w Soli ziemi i zachowanym fragmencie Zdrowej śmierci, znajdują się liczne odniesienia do tematyki huculskiej (Huculszczyzny i wschodniokarpackich górali). Pisarz wykorzystał stereotyp i mit wypracowane w XIX wieku, przenosząc je na dwie postaci głównych bohaterów. W powojennej korespondencji ze Stanisławem Vincenzem, autorem cyklu Na wysokiej połoninie, aluzyjne odwołania do Huculszczyzny Wittlin wiąże z własną sytuacją osobistą na emigracji. Autor opracowania stawia pytanie o związek, jaki istnieje między wątkami huculskimi w tekstach należących do historii literatury i w egodokumentach. Metodą, która pozwala opisać tę relację, jest antropologia doświadczenia wywodząca się z hermeneutyki Wilhelma Diltheya, a rozwinięta przez Edwarda M. Brunera. W dwóch powieściowych dziełach Józefa Wittlina, w Soli ziemi i zachowanym fragmencie Zdrowej śmierci, znajdują się liczne odniesienia do tematyki huculskiej (Huculszczyzny i wschodniokarpackich górali). Pisarz wykorzystał stereotyp i mit wypracowane w XIX wieku, przenosząc je na dwie postaci głównych bohaterów. W powojennej korespondencji ze Stanisławem Vincenzem, autorem cyklu Na wysokiej połoninie, aluzyjne odwołania do Huculszczyzny Wittlin wiąże z własną sytuacją osobistą na emigracji. Autor opracowania stawia pytanie o związek, jaki istnieje między wątkami huculskimi w tekstach należących do historii literatury i w egodokumentach. Metodą, która pozwala opisać tę relację, jest antropologia doświadczenia wywodząca się z hermeneutyki Wilhelma Diltheya, a rozwinięta przez Edwarda M. Brunera.
Honorata z Wiśniowskich Zapová (1825–1856) was a Polish noblewoman from western Ukraine whose marriage with the Czech official Karl Vladislav Zap brought her to Prague. She published texts in Czech in which she described the space of her childhood. She gave them the character of ethnographic essays presenting Galicia and Ukraine, lands inhabited by Slavic brothers very much different from the Czechs. These works emanate with a longing for the lost land, its idealization and evaluating it higher than the Prague space which she infiltrated. The Prague space disappointed her but the writer aimed at enrich it not only by her own memories but also through her continuous work in the realms of literature, pedagogy and society.
PL
Honorata z Wiśniowskich Zapová (1825–1856) była polską szlachcianką z zachodniej Ukrainy, którą małżeństwo z czeskim urzędnikiem Karlem Vladislavem Zapem zawiodło do Pragi. Po czesku publikowała utwory, które charakteryzowały przestrzeń jej dzieciństwa, nadawała im charakter szkiców etnograficznych zapoznających z Galicją i Ukrainą, krajem zamieszkałym przez bardzo różniących się od Czechów słowiańskich pobratymców. Przez te utwory jednak prześwieca tęsknota za utraconą krainą, idealizacja jej, stawianie wyżej niż praska przestrzeń, w którą weszła. Praska przestrzeń ją rozczarowała, ale pisarka dążyła do wzbogacenia jej nie tylko dzięki własnym wspomnieniom, ale także przez usilną działalność na niwach: literackiej, pedagogicznej, a nawet towarzyskiej.
The musical culture of the Aromanians, and other Valachian-origin groups, was constantly subjected to acculturation and dynamic adaptation. These groups have preserved certain timeless, circulating musical constructs most likely influencing the architecture of the song melody, performance style and music-making patterns, which can be considered as a common idiom of the Walachian vocal tradition. The common features of the Balkan (Aromanian) and Carpathian (Valachian) vocal heritage are: natural harmonic hearing expressed in the tendency to sing without instrumental accompaniment, or with its participation in a heterophonic form. Polyphonic singing forms are characterized by a vocal hierarchy combined with a sensitivity to the acoustics of sound, which manifests itself in specific performance manners (slow pace, performance freedom, long breathing phrases, glissanding, etc.). The Valachian idiom of inter-voice chords is defined by the intervals of fourths, fifths, octaves and dissonances - especially seconds. The greatest similarities are especially visible between the vocal repertoire of Carpathian Ruthenians and Aromanians, also in relation to the scale, the morphology of the song melody (e.g. tetrachordal and pentachordal structure of phrases, the primary meaning of the fourth, the tendency to descendental phrases) and to descendental rhythmic punctuated and inversely scored. The common Valachian musical heritage also includes musical instruments such as: fujara, duda / gajda, trembita, dwojnica, which music scale and melody contributed to the unification of diverse and geographically distant vocal dialects along with their ritual-magic background related with pastoral lifestyle.Singing for voices is considered as a basic feature of ethnic identity, and as a tool of communication and social integration within the present-day Valachian ethnoses. The survival of the unique polyphonic singing practice may be related to migratory nature of Valachian lifestyle as well as relative cultural and geographical isolationism of mountain areas together with the scattered nature of the Valachian settlement. Differences between the Carpathian and Balkan polyphony may have been related to the crushing of archaic polyphonic forms (drones), which in Carpathians have survived mainly on the instrumental grounds. The performance manners and the archaic repertoire associated with drones were influenced by East Slavic variation heterophony, and then medieval polyphonic technique (discantus) disseminated in Catholic and Orthodox churches during the Valachian migration period. Finally, the major-minor harmonics, contributed to the disappearance of polyphonic structures and the flattening of Valachian vocal idioms.
PL
Kultura muzyczna Aromanów, potem zrutenizowanych i w końcu spolonizowanych grup wołoskich ulegała procesom akulturacji, adaptacji i przetwarzania. Prawdopodobnie w świadomości grupowej tego etnosu przetrwały pewne ponadczasowe, obiegowe konstrukty muzyczne, które wpływały na melodykę pieśniową, stylistykę wykonawczą i wzory muzykowania. Można je uznać za wspólny idiom dla zróżnicowanej wołoskiej tradycji wokalnej. Za wspólne cechy bałkańskiego (aromańskiego) i karpackiego (wołoskiego) dziedzictwa wokalnego uznaje się: przyrodzony słuch harmoniczny, wyrażany w skłonności do śpiewania na głosy bez towarzyszenia instrumentalnego, bądź z jego udziałem w formie heterofonicznej. Wielogłosowe formy śpiewu cechuje hierarchizm głosowy połączony z wrażliwością na akustykę brzmienia, która przejawia się w specyficznych manierach wykonawczych (wolne tempo, swoboda wykonawcza, długie frazy oddechowe, glissandowanie i inne). Wołoski idiom współbrzmień międzygłosowych określają interwały kwarty, kwinty, oktawy i dysonanse – zwłaszcza sekundy. Największe podobieństwa zaznaczają się zwłaszcza pomiędzy repertuarem wokalnym karpackich Rusinów i Aromanów także w odniesieniu do podłoża skalowego, morfologii melodyki pieśniowej (np. tetrachordalna i pentachordalna budowa fraz, prymarne znaczenie kwarty, skłonność do descendentalnych fraz) oraz do descendentalnej rytmiki punktowanej i odwrotnie punktowanej. Do wspólnego wołoskiego dziedzictwa muzycznego zaliczają się także instrumenty muzyczne jak: fujara, duda/gajda, trembita, dwojnica, których podłoże skalowe i melodyka przyczyniały się do ujednolicania zróżnicowanych i odległych geograficznie wokalnych dialektów wołoskich wraz z całym rytualno-magicznym podłożem jeszcze do niedawna zrośniętym z pasterskim trybem życia. Także we wszystkich współczesnych etnosach wołoskich, jak i w tych, które uważają się za spadkobierców tej tradycji, śpiew na głosy jest traktowany jako wyróżnik tożsamości etnicznej, podstawowe narzędzie komunikacji i integracji społecznej. Przetrwanie tej unikalnej na skalę zarówno Karpat jak i Bałkanów wielogłosowej praktyki śpiewu może być odpowiedzią na poczucie wyizolowania i migracyjnego charakteru życia Wołochów. Innymi przyczynami mogą być stosunkowy izolacjonizm kulturowy i geograficzny obszarów górskich, a także rozproszony i górski charakter wołoskiego osadnictwa. Na odczuwaną audytywnie odrębność wielogłosu karpackiego od bałkańskiego mogły mieć wpływ zarówno procesy kruszenia archaicznych form wielogłosu (dron), przetrwałych bardziej na gruncie instrumentalnym, także manier wykonawczych i związanego z nimi archaicznego repertuaru, jak i późniejsze nawarstwienia związane z wpływami wschodniosłowiańskiej heterofonii wariacyjnej, a następnie średniowiecznej techniki wielogłosowej (discantus) rozpowszechnianej w świątyniach katolickich i prawosławnych w okresie migracji wołoskich i w ostateczności wpływów harmoniki dur-moll, która przyczyniła się do zaniku polifonicznych struktur myślenia i spłaszczenia wołoskiej idiomatyki wokalnej.
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