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Analiza dokumentów strategicznych Unii Europejskiej: Human Security jako paradygmat unijnej polityki przeciwdziałania terroryzmowi

100%
Tereszkiewicz F.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
|
2018
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vol. 40
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issue 1
39-52
EN
This paper analyses European Union strategic documents for evidence that EU counterterro­rism policy is founded on the Human Security (HS) approach. It concentrates on three main strategic documents: the EU Counter-Terrorism Strategy (2005), the European Agenda on Security (2015), and the EU Global Strategy (2016) which define the EU’s current approach to terrorism. Three determinants are established to research whether counterterrorism policy is founded on the HS pa­radigm: a people-centred approach, the presence of a wide range of threats, and a strong presence of non-state actors. The analysis shows that counterterrorism policy is constructed on the HS paradigm, however with strong and influential leverage from member states. This paradigm was chosen by EU institutions because it guarantees a strong position of EU agencies in contrast to the traditional mem­ber state-centred approach to security. It helps also to show that EU security policy makes citizens a priority, which could increase legitimacy of the EU in the eyes of its people.
2
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ANARCHOKAPITALISTYCZNA KONCEPCJA BEZPIECZEŃSTWA JEDNOSTKI

100%
Matuszek K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2018
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issue 2(16)
142-153 (12)
EN
The aim of this article is to attempt to present and evaluate the conception of human security, proposed by anarcho-capitalism – a radical trend of libertarianism. The content analysis method was used to realize this task, while the main source of works constitutes the main works of the leading anarcho-capitalists: Murray Newton Rothbard, David Friedman and Hans-Hermann Hoppe. The results of the work is the adoption of several conclusions, including, first of all, that the anarcho-capitalist conception of human security is undoubtedly an innovate idea, contesting commonly recognized solutions in this matter.
3

Employment-adjusted Human Development Index

88%
Mihci H., Tolga Taner M., Sezen B.
South East European Journal of Economics and Business
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2012
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vol. 7
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issue 2
115-137
EN
Purpose - The current HDI has a limited capacity to reflect the human condition and country rankings in an accurate way. In addition, the main critiques on the HDI suggest that it uses very few or perhaps the wrong indicators in measuring human development levels in countries. This paper aims to investigate whether the inclusion of employment as a criterion in the HDI would yield a different ranking of nations. Design/methodology/approach - In this study, estimates of the proposed Employment-adjusted Human Development Index (E-HDI) are provided for seventy-seven countries for the 2000-2007 period, and comparisons are made both for changes in the human development index (HDI) and rankings over time in each country and for differences between the E-HDI and the UNDP’s HDI across countries. Findings - The experience of a relatively large number of 77 sample countries has offered promising results for the path to improve the current status of the HDI, and hence, to overcome its weakness in terms of ranking of countries. The additional indicator, i.e. employment, improves the explanatory power of the HDI and makes significant contributions to its reliability. Research limitations/implications - The major limitation of the present study has been the lack of data for a number of the human development indicators for the rest of the countries in the world. Practical implications - The employment-adjusted index has great potential to make the HDI more operational. Social implications - By means of E-HDI, the human development performance of the countries can be better evaluated and compared with other countries by using additional information obtained from the employment position of their citizens. Originality/value - This will be the first paper in the literature that incorporates employment into the HDI..
4

Human Security jako paradygmat polityki bezpieczeństwa Unii Europejskiej w kryzysowych czasach

63%
Tereszkiewicz F.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2018
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vol. 10(46)
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issue 1
49-65
PL
Artykuł bada, czy podejście Human Security jest paradygmatem unijnej polityki bezpieczeństwa. Koncentruje się on na dwóch ostatnio opublikowanych dokumentach: Europejskiej agendzie bezpieczeństwa oraz Globalnej strategii UE. W pierwszej kolejności została wyjaśniona koncepcja Human Security. Następnie zaprezentowano założenia metodologiczne procesu badawczego, w ramach którego postawiono trzy pytania w celu zidentyfikowania w omawianych dokumentach podejścia Human Security: Czy są one skoncentrowane na bezpieczeństwie ludzkim? Czy zagrożenia są w nich rozlegle zidentyfikowane? Czy podmioty realizujące politykę bezpieczeństwa są szeroko zdefiniowane? Przeprowadzona analiza pokazała, że Europejska agenda bezpieczeństwa oraz Globalna strategia UE zostały oparte na perspektywie Human Security. Oznacza to, że bezpieczeństwo ludzkie jest paradygmatem unijnej polityki bezpieczeństwa. W konkluzjach autor zastanawia się, czy owo podejście pasuje do nowych wyzwań dla bezpieczeństwa, które narastają w Europie po rosyjskiej agresji na Ukrainę.
EN
This paper examines whether or not the Human Security approach is a paradigm of EU security policy. It focuses on two recently published EU documents: the European Agenda on Security (EAS) and the EU Global Strategy (EUGS). First, the concept of Human Security is explained. Next, the methodology of the research is presented, in which three questions are posed to identify the presence of the Human Security approach: Are they concerned with the security of people? Are threats broadly defined? Are entities that execute the EU’s security policy broadly defined? Analysis conducted within this paper shows that the EAS and EUGS have been built on the Human Security approach, meaning that it is a paradigm for EU security policy. In the conclusion, the author wonders whether the Human Security approach is well-suited to new challenges for security that have arisen in Europe after Russian aggression in Ukraine.
5
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The Fragmented Middle East: Persistent Insecurity, Rising Instability

51%
Issa A.
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
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2021
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vol. XLIV
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issue 3
169-178
EN
After the 9/11 attacks, the Middle East became the centre of the American military interventions. After Afghanistan in 2001, the US decided to invade Iraq and depose Saddam Hussein in order to bring democracy to the country. In 2021, Iraq is still suffering from a number of problems – social, economic, but also political and security-related – as foreign interference and terrorist attacks have become inherent to the Iraqi daily life. In the Arab spring context, Syria and Egypt saw massive demonstrations, leading firstly to civil and proxy wars and to the proliferation of terrorist groups; and secondly, to the re-establishment of a dictatorship facing many security challenges. The Lebanese case is more complex. The fragility of the state and the predominance of sectarianism and the states within a state phenomenon, to which we can add two major refugee issues with the Palestinians and the Syrians, as well as an aggressive neighbour in the South and constant foreign interference, make the national security concept debatable among the population and political leaders, preventing a concrete national security strategy from being established. With the current economic crisis, a new dimension of national security is added to the state which is already struggling to ensure its duties towards its population. Through these case studies, this article aims to present how each of these countries perceives its national security and the problems it is facing in order to suggest some recommendations for long-term sustainable responses to some of these challenges.
PL
Po ataku na Centrum Handlu Światowego (World Trade Center – WTC) we wrześniu 2001 r. Bliski Wschód stał się centralnym punktem amerykańskiej interwencji wojskowej. Chaos powiększyła kolejna interwencja amerykańska w Iraku w ramach operacji „Iracka Wolność” w 2003 r. W swoim artykule autor podkreśla, że obecnie, dwadzieścia lat po ataku na WTC, region Bliskiego Wschodu pozostaje regionem niebezpiecznym, ze zdestabilizowaną architekturą bezpieczeństwa narodowego i bezpieczeństwa regionalnego. Analizując sytuację w czterech wybranych krajach: Iraku, Syrii, Libanie oraz Egipcie, udowadnia tezę postawioną na początku artykułu. Wskazuje wyraźnie, że wielotysięczne demonstracje z okresu tzw. Arabskiej Wiosny nie przyniosły zamierzonego efektu, przyczyniając się do kryzysów humanitarnych, masowej migracji czy wręcz umocnienia władzy autorytarnych liderów.
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