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DYSKURS POLITYCZNY WOKÓŁ IMIGRACJI W POLSCE

100%
Malinowski Rubio M. P.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2012
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vol. 38
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issue 2(144)
135-164
EN
Although Poland is not yet a country where immigration plays a major role, the opening of Polish borders in 1989 opened up the country to immigrants. In the 20 years after Poland's political transformation, the number of immigrants, even if still insignificant by other EU countries' standards, has grown steadily, so that in 1998 Łodziński wrote "the foreigner-migrant ceased to be the marginal and exotic person which he used to be. Hę has become so prominent and permanent a phenomenon that determination of his legal status and legal arrangements governing his situation in the various fields of social life has become an important issue" (Łodziński 1998). Yet, the number of immigrants, after all, continues to be at such a low level that Iglicka's declaration of 2003 stating that "Poland does not have a comprehensive migration policy, but mere foundations thereof. Neither is there is a doctrine of migration in the political consciousness which could constitute the foundation of coherent migration policies" (Iglicka 2003) is as valid as ever. Based on analysis of the government's ad hoc actions, press releases, experts' statements and data from public opinion polis, certain trends can be noted that may be used as an indicator of the direction which, if not the political discourse itself, then definitely the public discourse around the issue of immigration, is taking. If, as Zapata-Barrero maintains, we assume that the "discourse provides a reference framework and the main source of arguments for both the legitimacy of policies and for the legitimacy of public perceptions/ actions" (Zapata-Barrero, 2009: 50) and, as the author points out, "the design of discourse as a voluntary and intentional act, is aimed at achieving a specific effect, is a political act and transforms itself into a certain policy" (Zapata-Barrero, 2009: 46), then the discourse on immigration becomes crucial because it defines the process of government's handling of multiculturalism, which democracies must, sooner or later, face. This paper presents the result of analysis of public opinion polis and the political discourse on immigration in Poland and simultaneously attempts to explain the direction it takes assessing its possible consequences.
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WAS JOHN CALVIN A TCK?: APPLYING MODERN SOCIO-SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH ON HIGHLY MOBILE POPULATIONS TO HISTORICAL STUDIES

86%
Powell R. A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2014
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vol. 40
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issue 3(153)
139-150
EN
Surprisingly little is known about the developmental years of the Protestant Reformer John Calvin, yet scholars agree that experiences in Calvin’s youth were critical to shaping his theology. It is possible that insights from TCK studies can aid Calvin scholars? Calvin does fit the profile of a TCK. He spent his teenage years living away from his family home in a distinct cultural enclave. Furthermore, he not only thought of himself as one foreign or apart, he exhibited a number of TCK characteristics. Assuming Calvin was a TCK, it is possible to analyze his personality, his theology, and his scriptural interpretation through the lens of modern socio-scientific research on highly mobile populations. Such analysis illumines the insights of Calvin scholars who have already identified Calvin’s experience of cultural and geographic mobility as the root of his patterns of social behavior, theological concepts such as an emphasis on the sovereignty of God, and his empathy with scriptural narratives involving pilgrimage. More importantly, the usefulness of TCK research in studying John Calvin suggests that modern socio-scientific studies of highly mobile populations may be equally valuable to historians working on other groups or individual or in other fields.
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Polska wobec wyzwań polityki imigracyjnej w kontekście portugalskich doświadczeń

72%
Gąsior M.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2018
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vol. 44
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issue 2 (168)
155–187
PL
Punktem wyjścia prowadzonego w tym artykule wywodu jest teza o istniejących między Polską a Portugalią podobieństwach z zakresu zagadnień migracyjnych. W pierwszym rzędzie, celem wykazania owych podobieństw, autorka prześledziła historię Portugalii z perspektywy migracyjnej od czasów wielkich odkryć geograficznych. Jednocześnie wybrane portugalskie doświadczenia odniesiono do sytuacji Polski w omawianym zakresie. Następnie przybliżono wdrożone w Portugalii określone rozwiązania o charakterze politycznym, które wpisują się w ramy – wysuwanych przez Rafała Matyję, Annę Siewierską-Chmaj i Konrada Pędziwiatra – poszczególnych postulatów zasadniczych wytycznych polskiej doktryny imigracyjnej. A wspomnianymi postulatami są: po pierwsze, udzielanie ochrony uchodźcom; po drugie, działanie na rzecz szeroko pojmowanej repatriacji; po trzecie, otwarcie na migrantów z Europy, a także z innych zbliżonych do niej pod względem kulturowym obszarów i dostrzeżenie w nich potencjalnych współobywateli oraz po czwarte, przedsiębranie działań mających na celu sprowadzenie do Polski wysoko wykwalifikowanych obcokrajowców.
EN
The thesis that there is a resemblance between Poland and Portugal in the field of migration issues is serving as a starting point for this article. First of all, the author looks at the history of Portugal since the Age of Exploration from a migration perspective. At the same time, the chosen events of Portuguese history refer to the situation of Poland within the scope of this article. Then, the author describes specific political solutions implemented in Portugal, which are compatible with a suggestion for the fundamental guidelines on the Polish immigration doctrine put forward by Rafał Matyja, Anna Siewierska-Chmaj, and Konrad Pędziwiatr. Those guideposts are: firstly; protection for refugees, secondly; working for broadly understood repatriation, thirdly; being open to migrants from Europe, as well as from other culturally similar areas and identifying them as potential fellow citizens, fourthly; undertaking a task aimed at bringing highly qualified foreigners to Poland.
4
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O niektórych uwarunkowaniach i barierach migracji

72%
Smolarkiewicz E.
Opuscula Sociologica
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2012
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issue 2(2)
107-120
XX
Proces rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej wiąże się z nasileniem i zmianą dotychczasowych kierunków ruchów migracyjnych. Zwyczajowo kraje uznawane za emigracyjne stopniowo ulegają przekształceniu w kraje imigracji. Uwarunkowań tego typu zachowań można upatrywać, odwołując się do klasycznej teorii E.S. Lee zarówno w oddziaływaniu czynników występujących w kraju pochodzenia (push factors), jak i istniejących w kraju przeznaczenia (pull factors). Decyzja migracyjna nie jest przy tym wynikiem prostej kalkulacji zysków i strat, dokonywanej na podstawie oceny powyższych czynników, ale opiera się także na analizie możliwości przezwyciężenia „barier pośrednich” (intervening obstacles). Wśród tych barier szczególną uwagę zwraca prowadzona w kraju przyjmującym polityka imigracyjna, której instrumenty określa zarówno prawo krajowe, jak i uregulowania międzynarodowe. Jednym z nich jest formuła nadawania obywatelstwa, która teoretycznie gwarantuje imigrantom równość wobec prawa. Osiągnięcie określonego statusu prawnego nie pokrywa się automatycznie z osiągnięciem statusu społeczno--kulturowego. W tym wymiarze większe znaczenie odgrywa kryterium pochodzenia etnicznego, które określa miejsce imigranta – „nowego obywatela” w strukturze społecznej kraju przyjmującego. Co więcej, w zależności od modelu polityki imigracyjnej jest czynnikiem określającym samą możliwość ubiegania się o bycie obywatelem.
EN
The enlargement of the European Union is connected with intensification and change of previous directions of migration movements. Usually, countries recognized as emigration countries gradually turn into immigration countries. Referring to the classic theory by E.S. Lee conditions of that type of behaviour can be sought in both the effects of factors associated with the area of origin (push factors) as well as in the existing factors associated with the area of destination (pull factors). The migration decision is therefore not a result of a simple calculation of gains and losses made on the grounds of an assessment of the above mentioned factors, but it is also based upon an analysis of the possibilities of overcoming the so called “intervening obstacles”. These obstacles include, among others, the immigration policy of the receiving country, to which particular attention is paid to by a potential immigrant. The policy instruments are defi ned both by the country law and by international regulations. One of them is access to citizenship, which in theory guarantees equal justice under law. The achievement of a given legal status does not automatically translate into achieving a social-cultural status. In this dimension, a greater meaning is attributed to the criterion of ethnic origin that defi nes the immigrant’s – “new citizen’s” place in the receiving country’s social structure. Moreover, depending on the model of immigration policy this criterion itself determines the possibility of applying for citizenship.
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