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1

ATTITUDES TOWARDS IMMIGRANTS AND IMMIGRATION POLICIES IN POLAND: MAIN CHARACTERISTICS AND DETERMINANTS

100%
Janicka K., Bojanowski M.
Kultura i Społeczeństwo
|
2008
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vol. 52
|
issue 2
111-130
EN
This paper presents results of empirical analysis of data on opinions and attitudes of Poles towards immigrants. In the investigation the authors aim at reconstructing the multidimensional character of the attitudes expressed as a tolerance in a broad sense. The measurement and analyzes of several aspects of tolerance are based on European Social Survey Data from 2002. International character of the dataset served as a point of departure to evaluate attitudes towards immigrants and immigration policies, as they exist in Poland, to attitudes which are supported in other countries. The main focus of the paper concentrates on social and geographical determinants of the attitudes towards foreigners. The authors trace the dependencies between tolerance and selected structural and territorial factors.
2

IMMIGRATION TO POLAND IN THE YEARS 1989-2002 BY THE NATIONAL CENSUS 2002

100%
Sleszynski P.
Studia Demograficzne
|
2006
|
issue 1(149)
82-88
EN
The article presents a detailed analysis of a spatial distribution of immigration to Poland in the period 1989-2002 based on the data from the National Census 2002 (the data used refer to the lowest spatial disaggregation i.e. they refer to immigrants in gminas). Despite the fact that the census data show the stock of immigrants remarkably lower than estimates provided by several institutions, the regional analysis reveals a spatial distribution which seems to reflect the spatial pattern of the real immigrant population. One can also discuss reasons behind that pattern. According to the census data, at the end of May, 2002, there were 85,5 thousand persons who came to Poland after 1989. Among them 81.5% had a Polish citizenship and 41.3% arrived from Germany and the USA, therefore one can suppose that return migration contributed remarkably to that population. Immigrants came to the largest and more developed metropolies: Warsaw (11.3 thousand), Kraków (3.4), Gdansk, Gdynia and Sopot (3.4), Wroclaw (2.8) and Lodz (2.0). Altogether the main metropolitan areas concentrated 40% of the total immigrant population. Both immigration rates and the immigration share in the total inflow were the highest values in gminas located at the borders and the Warsaw agglomeration. They were also at the high level in sites considered as interested for tourists.
3

TRUST IN PEOPLE AND ATTITUDES TOWARDS IMMIGRATION

80%
Výrost J., Dobeš M.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
|
2019
|
vol. 22
|
issue 1
34 - 43
EN
We use data from the European Social Survey (ESS) Rounds 1-7 to investigate the relationship between trust in people and attitudes towards immigrants and immigration. Our analysis is based on large longitudinal comparative survey data (ESS), where the immigrant attitudes are operationalized by two groups of items: the attitude toward immigrants and the attitude toward immigration. We constructed a structural equations model comprised of three intercorrelated latent variables. Each latent variable was supported by three items from the ESS questionnaire. The results show that the questions in the ESS questionnaire that targeted respective attitudes and values (immigrants, immigration and trust) are consistent and that each triplet measures a common underlying factor. Our analysis shows that although correlation signs and strengths are consistent among people in various countries, significant differences remain in terms of how strongly trust in people and attitudes towards immigrants and immigration are correlated. We can hypothesize that immigration is not perceived as emotionally in the countries that joined later (most of the data have been collected before the current migration crisis); therefore, the fear of immigrants may not be as intense, and the correlation with the underlying factor of feeling secure is not as high.
4
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WILL POLAND BECOME A COUNTRY OF IMMIGRATION? (Czy Polska stanie sie krajem imigracyjnym?)

80%
Okolski M.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2010
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vol. 36
|
issue 4(138)
131-157
EN
Poland ranks among a handful of European countries that still undergo a massive outflow of people and very little inflow. The author examines a possibility and conditions under which Poland would change its migration status in predictable future. The hypothesis claiming that European countries follow a common pattern of transition from net emigration to net immigration, which apparently constitutes a part of Europe-specific migration cycle serves as a framework of reference. In addition, the analysis draws heavily from the experience of the 'old' and 'new' immigration countries, those belonging to North-Western and Southern parts of the continent. The author argues that at present not all basic preconditions for that transition have been met in Poland. First of all, the Polish economy is not enough attractive to bring migrant workers in any systematic way and in great numbers. Secondly, the immigration policy is too conservative and short-sighted to compensate for such deficit.
5

ROLE OF ANXIETY IN RADICALIZING POLITICAL ATTITUDES: EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE FROM SLOVAKIA

80%
Baboš P., Világi A., Soláriková P.
Studia Psychologica
|
2019
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vol. 61
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issue 1
42 – 55
EN
Proliferation of populist policies and strengthening of political populism in several liberal democracies has been accompanied by campaigns full of public anger, anxiety and fear. Our research contributes to understanding how negative emotions shape selected political attitudes. We designed an experiment with 72 participants randomly assigned to three groups. The aim was to impose anxiety by using a stimulus that is incidental, i.e. having unrelated content to the attitudes under study. In addition to self-reported emotional state measured by post-test survey, we also measured the heart rate activity. Regarding political attitudes, next to attitudes towards immigrants we measured attitudes towards marijuana decriminalization as well. Findings indicate that while imposed anxiety leads to more negative attitudes towards immigrants, there seems to be no such effect on attitudes towards marijuana. We explain the difference by presence/absence of the in-group/out-group division in the types of political attitudes under study.
6
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THE INTEGRATION PROBLEMS OF THE GERMAN IMMIGRANTS FROM RUSSIA IN GERMANY

80%
Ksiazek J.
Etnografia Polska
|
2004
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vol. 48
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issue 1-2
197-219
EN
Integration of the Germans coming from Russia in Germany is determined by many different factors: expectations of the new country the newcomers have previously had, the attitudes of the German society, but also legal regulations and political decisions defining procedures concerning ways of their integration. People of German nationality coming from Russia meet numerous obstacles on their way to adjustment: problems with finding employment and recognition of their former education. Language problems. No less important are troubles in accepting the mechanisms of a modern democratic state and society, not familiar to them previously. This leads to the crisis in the emigrants' value systems. Some of their problems are typical immigrants' problems. There are also other ones, those of that particular group, i.e. ambiguity of their national identity. In Russia they were considered 'Germans', now in Germany they are referred to as 'Russians' and in effect they don't know where they actually stand. The situation of being 'in between' can by no means help those people to stand on their feet again in the new society. It often leads to social conflict, tendency to social isolation, juvenile delinquency, alcohol and drug abuse, disturbances in physical and mental health. The official German attitudes to the problems and strategies of the immigrants' integration have been changing within the last few years. The authoress studies the process taking those changes into consideration and referring to the most recent opinions in the debate on solving the problems of adjustment of the 'Russian Germans'.
7
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HISTORIOGRAPHY OF POLISH IMMIGRATION: A PROSPECTIYE ASSESSMENT OF THE STUDIES ABOUT RIO GRANDE DO SUL - BRASIL

80%
Wenczenovicz T. J.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2012
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vol. 38
|
issue 4(146)
83-102
EN
This article presents an analysis of the studies on Polish immigration in Rio Grande do Sul, placing them in an the interethnic context, which firstly, is specific to this host society, and secondly, affects both the visibility of different groups and the intellectual production about them. The works are in part authored by the descendants of the immigrants from the group itself, i.e. by those who are recognized and who recognize themselves as "Polish". This study also aims at reviewing some interpretations of this historiography, emphasizing certain factors, such as: the economic developments in the occupied areas and the role of the urban immigrants; the frameworks of comparative studies on the German and Italian people; the influence the immigrants' states of origin had over the communities; and the presence of ethnic Jews among the Polish people.
8
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IMMIGRATION AS A PERCEIVED THREAT TO NATIONAL IDENTITY: AN AUSTRIAN CASE STUDY

80%
Deutschlander D.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
|
2009
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issue 34
41-63
EN
This article is the case study of one nation, Austria, reacting to the challenges of the globalized world, specifically immigration. To determine how Austrians perceive immigration, data from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) in 1995 and 2004 were compared. The investigated hypothesis assumed that the increased immigration resulting from EU integration and globalization would lead to increased xenophobia as Austrians attempt to defend their national identity. The crosstabulation analysis of ISSP data revealed that Austrians became more hostile toward immigration between 1995 and 2004. The events between 1995 and 2004 indicate that this increase in anti-immigration sentiment is likely due to both political campaigns targeting Austrians already uneasy about immigration and insecurity arising from increased immigration.
9
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THE PLACE OF IMMIGRANTS IN MULTICULTURAL SWITZERLAND

80%
Luczak A.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2007
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issue 30
131-143
EN
The article discusses the question of immigration in Switzerland. With more than 20 per cent, Switzerland is one of the countries with the largest foreign population. It used to be a destination country for employment-seeking French, Germans and Italians. In the latter half of the 20th century however, it has hosted large numbers of Eastern European dissidents, Yugoslavian refugees and asylum seekers from the Middle East, Asia and Africa. The inflow of foreigners from different parts of the world increases Swiss cultural pluralism and demands to pursue the proper migration and asylum policy from the Swiss state. The starting point for the philosophy of Swiss immigration policy is the search for a balance between the economy's foreign labour requirements and the demographic stabilisation of the foreign population in Switzerland, which relates to the fear of a 'over-foreignisation' (Überfremdung). This fear has played an important role in Swiss discourse on migration since the early 1920s. An evolving process of 'over-foreignisation' has represented migrants as permanently different 'aliens' and as a potential threat requiring control and supervision by the state. This article reveals the foreignisation process and explores some of the reasons for its persistence. It presents also the situation of the immigrants in Switzerland from their own perspective. Keywords: Switzerland, immigration, migration and asylum policy, Überfremdung
10

MEASURING THE RISK OF IMMIGRATION RELATED CONFLICTS

80%
Maasing H., Nahkur O., Roots A., Ainsaar M.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
|
2021
|
vol. 24
|
issue 4
1 - 24
EN
In order to systematically monitor immigration-related conflict in society, the authors have constructed a theoretical composite conflict risk index for measuring immigration-related conflict risk at a subnational level. The index is called MICRI, short for immigration-related conflict risk index. The index offers new input to the quantitative conflict risk modelling by including subjective indicators, which usually are missing from risk indices, along with objective indicators. The reason behind that is the growing understanding between scholars that groups´ perceived grievances play an important role in whether a conflict arises or not. MICRI consists of 17 indicators, out of which thirteen (13) are subjective and four (4) are objective indicators. The data was sourced from the European Social Survey and national statistical database. The article presents the methodology and data behind the indicators, evaluates the index´s internal consistency using the quantitative regional level data of 75 Estonian municipalities. In constructing the values of MICRI, we followed four consecutive steps: (1) computing the values of the indicators for each municipality; (2) normalising; (3) weighting; and (4) aggregating of the indicators. All indicator were compiled in ten different risk dimensions – identity, distrust, value difference, perceived threat, perceived inequality, dissatisfaction, poor communication, low norm obedience, availability of resources, and regional immigration level – which formed a cumulative index value. The validity of the index was controlled with data of (75) Estonian municipalities from the period 2014 – 2018. The results of initial testing show that the internal consistency of MICRI is good; c-alpha = 0.698, which indicates a good potential for the index´s performance. The future research will focus on external validation of the index and will expand its use internationally.
11

THE SPATIAL PATTERN OF SETTLEMENTS OF FOREIGNERS LIVING IN POLAND

80%
Fihel A.
Studia Demograficzne
|
2006
|
issue 1(149)
49-67
EN
The article presents the spatial distribution of foreigners living in Poland. The data used come from the Office for Repatriations and Aliens and refer to all foreigners who were legally residing in Poland as on 1th September 2004 (84,7 thousand persons). The main countries of origin of immigrants are states of the former Soviet Union (mostly Ukraine, Russia and Belarus), next countries of the Western Europe (Germany, France, the United Kingdom) and finally countries of the East-Central Europe (Bulgaria, Serbia and Montenegro). Depending on a region of origin, foreigners form different spatial patterns of settlement and show different levels of concentration, evaluated by use of the Gini index and the Lorenz curve. Foreigners coming from the countries of the former Soviet Union settled in all regions of Poland and did not form spatial clusters. The degree of the spatial concentration is moderate for the citizens of East-European states and profoundly high for the immigrants from Far East states (above all the Vietnamese). The latter constitute ethnic enclaves in the biggest Polish cities.
12

THE EU IMMIGRATION POLICY AS THE ANSWER TO CHALLENGE FOR THE INTERNAL SECURITY (Polityka imigracyjna Unii Europejskiej jako odpowiedz na wyzwania dla bezpieczenstwa wewnetrznego)

80%
Godlewska J.
Nauki Społeczne
|
2011
|
issue 1(3)
161-176
EN
The article aims at indicating connections between the common immigration policy and the EU internal security. It accentuates such topics as: the degree of development of the EU common immigration policy, the immigration issues in the strategy of the EU internal security, the instruments of the common immigration policy serving the EU internal security policy, and the incorporation of immigration issues in the EU external policy. The author puts forward a thesis of growing degree of externalization of the common immigration policy. It is manifested in the growing importance of instruments aiming at the externalization of risk connected with immigration and in involving the immigration issues into the spheres of co-operation with the states outside the EU.
13
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Warunki integracji imigrantów ze społeczeństwem przyjmującym w wybranych krajach Unii Europejskiej

80%
Plewko J.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2010
|
vol. 2(38)
157-180
EN
The article in a multidimensional way presents the process of social, economic and cultural integration of immigrants settling permanently of temporarily in several countries of the European Union. It discusses the determinants of the influx of immigrants during World War II as well as the specific character of their integration in Great Britain, Ireland, Sweden, Germany, Holland and France. It indicates the main assumptions of the integration concept in those countries and the practical ways of their implementation with respect to two main categories of immigrants: newcomers from outside Europe (especially from African and Asian countries) and labor migrants from the twelve new member states of the European Union who came to Western European countries after the enlargement of the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article presents the causes of failure, with respect to the immigrants with culture quite different from European, of the conception of multiculturalism that was for a long time considered the model solution to the problem of integration, and it stresses the dimension of economic integration as the dominant one among labor migrants from the Middle and Eastern Europe.
14
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Western Gypsies or Eastern Mexicans? Exoticism and Ignorance in the Construction of the Image of Basque Immigrants in American Cinema, 1913-1980

70%
Álvarez-Gila Ó.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
|
2015
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vol. 41
|
issue 4 (158)
283–301
EN
This article analyzes how cinematic and TV industries in the United States (“Hollywood” for short) attempted and managed to create a very specific stereotype of Basque immigrants, based on several elements from different sources such as the local stereotypes created in the places Basque immigrants had settled, based on their monopolistic relationship with sheepherding, the influence and misunderstandings derived from being Basque immigrant citizens from two European states (France and Spain) with strong, recognizable national stereotypes, and the mistaken identification that Hollywood has historically made between the Spanish and Latin Americans.
15
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STRUGGLE FOR THE DEFINITION OF CITIZENSHIP: INSTITUTIONAL AND DISCURSIVE FORMS AND TECHNIQUES OF CONSTRUCTION OF THE IMAGE OF FOREIGNER IN THE DEVELOPMNET OF FRENCH FEPUBLICAN MODEL OF INTEGRATION

70%
Kostian D.
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2007
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vol. 39
|
issue 4
337-356
EN
The so-called riots, taking place in French suburbs in November 2005, reopened a public and academic debate on character of French immigration policy and its future. Article aims to outline a wider context of immigration issue in France by analysing both institutional and discursive aspects of construction of image of foreigner in historic relation of inter-national domination between dominant group represented by state and its republican model of integration and inferior group of the North African immigrants. Article considers some theoretical implications of the relations between a project of nation-state and institution of citizenship, which in France led to the genesis and evolution of assimilation model of integration. In such a framework, colonial discourse represent historically important example of construction of foreigner's image, which shaped later political debates on reconstitution and 'crises' of French nation-state. Moreover, history and development of French immigration policy is presented in context of some structural changes in labour market, which led to the establishment of new international division of labour and new kind of urban poverty. Concentration of the working-class poor immigrants in highly modernistic neighbourhoods and its spatial segregation is the most visible unintended consequence of French immigration policy. Special attention is paid to the reformulation of immigration issue as a security problem, which revived colonial discourse by reification of cultural differences and by ethnicization of the social relations. Instead of blaming second and third generation immigrants for their failure to integrate into major society, the unrests form in November 2005 should be understood as a specific form of political and cultural protest against their structural discrimination in work, housing and everyday life as a result of new image of the dangerous foreigners created by more restrictive measures of immigration policy.
16

‘TOO MUCH SALT’: CZECH SWEDES, JOURNALISM AND (ANTI)XENOPHOBIC DISCOURSE

70%
Jovanović S. M.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
|
2018
|
vol. 21
|
issue 1
-
EN
According to the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX), Sweden is at the top of world ranking when it comes to successful integration of immigrants and refugees. However, during the last few years, there have been xenophobic discursive attacks on Sweden, in which it is commonly claimed that Sweden is ‘failing’ when it comes to immigrant integration. Such was the case of Kateřina Janouchová, a Czech-born journalist from Sweden, who was recently in the media spotlight after producing xenophobic rhetoric. Her discourse was countered by Hynek Pallas, another Czech-born Swedish journalist, as the debate (and surrounding textual and video production) spread from Sweden to the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom. This article approaches both the xenophobic and anti-xenophobic discourse of Janouchová and Pallas from a discourse analytical perspective. Even though it can be said with certainty that accepting large amounts of immigrants and refugees (such as Sweden have done) can be somewhat problematic on the political, societal and economic levels, the xenophobic discourse about Sweden tends to be exaggerated, which will be shown in Janouchova’s rhetoric. On the other hand, the liberal media has a tendency to ‘soften’ the debate, which was seen in the rhetoric of Pallas. In summary, Janouch’s rhetoric focused on two instances: one was worded as ‘concern’ for the future of Swedish society, through which refugees were presented as a danger to Sweden; the other concentrated on ‘potential’ danger, when real troublesome issues were not found. Pallas’ discourse drew directly on the spoken and textual production of Janouch. Nevertheless, his rhetoric was different, wherein he drew upon ideologies such as cosmopolitanism, through which a humane approach is not reserved for a single people/nation, but for anyone.
17
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KRAJ EMIGRACJI I KRAJ IMIGRACJI: WCZESNY PARADOKS LUKSEMBURGA (DO 1914 R.)

70%
Walaszek A.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2013
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vol. 39
|
issue 4(150)
5-18
EN
In the modern period, Luxembourg used to be one of those countries which traditionally sent out emigrants to various parts of the world (Europe, South and North America). A very high percentage of the population had been leaving the country. As of the 1880s the southern part of the Grand Duchy became a part of an industrial zone covering Lorraine and the Saar Basin where the heavy industry was developed – ore mines, steel mills, iron foundries. At that time the region attracted immigrants from the territory of Luxembourg and, increasingly often, also form other countries – Germany, Italy, France, Belgium. Nevertheless emigration from Luxembourg continued. Thus, at the turn of the century the country which produced a sixth of the worlds pig iron remained a land of emigration. A complete explanation of this paradox requires in-depth studies on the economy of the region. This should lead to answering a more basic question: when and under what circumstances did traditional migrant sending countries start to receive them? This article recalls basic facts and statistical data and presents the tendencies dominant at the time.
18
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Italianness, Catholicism and Womanhood in the American Success Story of Mother Frances Cabrini, The Patron Saint of Immigrants

70%
Podemski P.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2018
|
vol. 44
|
issue 4 (170)
137–156
EN
Frances Xavier Cabrini (1850–1917) was a Catholic nun of Italian origin, one of the first women missionaries who decided to leave for the United States in order to offer assistance to Italian Americans at the peak of their mass scale migration (1889–1917). Following an unprecedented success of her Missionary Institute of the Sacred Heart, she obtained American citizenship and was proclaimed the first U.S. Catholic saint in history, a global patron of immigrants. Until quite recently her work had been studied almost exclusively within a purely ecclesiastical context. However, nowadays her crucial intercultural experience is being revised by U.S. gender scholars who perceive her as a strong and independent woman of her time, founding and running a charity enterprise on three continents, little short of a Catholic feminist avant la lettre, but also an education innovator, pioneer of bilingual schooling as well as of an inclusive model of integrating immigrants into a modern society.
19

“FUCKING KOREANS!”: SEXUAL RELATIONS AND IMMIGRATION IN THE PHILIPPINES

70%
Pack S.
Slovenský národopis (Slovak Ethnology)
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2020
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vol. 68
|
issue 2
161 – 174
EN
Drawn by the tropical weather and pristine beaches, significantly lower cost of living, and proximity, South Koreans are now the top tourists in the Philippines. Besides the short-term tourists, more than 100,000 South Koreans have chosen to permanently reside in the Philippines, making them the largest immigrant population in the country. Recently, a tenuous relationship between these two groups has emerged marked by mutual antipathy. I have overheard many Koreans describe Filipinos as impoverished, lazy, and socially backwards. They appear to have internalized a racial hierarchy whereby they perceive their darker-skinned Asian counterparts as ranking lower on the pigmentocracy scale. Conversely, Filipinos complain incessantly that Korean immigrants and visitors alike are arrogant, rude, and provincial, refusing to learn Tagalog or appreciate, much less respect, local customs. The exclamation, “Fucking Koreans!” has become a familiar refrain by Filipinos in response to being treated as second-class citizens in their own country. This utterance also has a secondary meaning as the one area where Koreans and Filipinos commonly do interact is in the form of sexual relationships.
20
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DYSKURS POLITYCZNY WOKÓŁ IMIGRACJI W POLSCE

70%
Malinowski Rubio M. P.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2012
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vol. 38
|
issue 2(144)
135-164
EN
Although Poland is not yet a country where immigration plays a major role, the opening of Polish borders in 1989 opened up the country to immigrants. In the 20 years after Poland's political transformation, the number of immigrants, even if still insignificant by other EU countries' standards, has grown steadily, so that in 1998 Łodziński wrote "the foreigner-migrant ceased to be the marginal and exotic person which he used to be. Hę has become so prominent and permanent a phenomenon that determination of his legal status and legal arrangements governing his situation in the various fields of social life has become an important issue" (Łodziński 1998). Yet, the number of immigrants, after all, continues to be at such a low level that Iglicka's declaration of 2003 stating that "Poland does not have a comprehensive migration policy, but mere foundations thereof. Neither is there is a doctrine of migration in the political consciousness which could constitute the foundation of coherent migration policies" (Iglicka 2003) is as valid as ever. Based on analysis of the government's ad hoc actions, press releases, experts' statements and data from public opinion polis, certain trends can be noted that may be used as an indicator of the direction which, if not the political discourse itself, then definitely the public discourse around the issue of immigration, is taking. If, as Zapata-Barrero maintains, we assume that the "discourse provides a reference framework and the main source of arguments for both the legitimacy of policies and for the legitimacy of public perceptions/ actions" (Zapata-Barrero, 2009: 50) and, as the author points out, "the design of discourse as a voluntary and intentional act, is aimed at achieving a specific effect, is a political act and transforms itself into a certain policy" (Zapata-Barrero, 2009: 46), then the discourse on immigration becomes crucial because it defines the process of government's handling of multiculturalism, which democracies must, sooner or later, face. This paper presents the result of analysis of public opinion polis and the political discourse on immigration in Poland and simultaneously attempts to explain the direction it takes assessing its possible consequences.
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