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EN
The article discusses the changes in European migration resulting from the Schengen Treaty. The main aim of it is to analyse 'the other side of Schengen'. First, a whole series of new control strategies, which constitute the alter ego of abandoning controls on internal borders in the EU, are pointed out. Second, attention is drawn to the change of Poland's position in the European migration regime following its accession to the EU and its entry to Schengen. In the first part the author analyses four important processes in the transformation of European immigration policies: 1) emergence of internal border controls; 2) extrapolation of the EU border control onto territories of third countries; 3) privatisation of those controls, and 4) the internationalisation of border controls. At this point attention was drawn to various tensions which arise during the dynamic processes of a simultaneous liberalisation and securitisation of European migration policies. Meanwhile, the second part of the article explains the problems and dangers associated with the implementation of new immigration and border policy toolbox in Poland.
EN
Migrants from the turn of the twentieth century are the fourth group, after the indigenous people, the colonizers, and the African group, which had a significant impact on the forming of Latin American societies. Initially, large migration streams have bypassed the region. After 1870, when the political situation has somewhat stabilized and certain countries have initiated activities aimed ai attracting foreigners, the inflow of migrants significantly increased. Many countries encouraged arrival, yet the one receiving most people was Argentina, which in the years 1830-1932 was the second major destination for migrants after the United States. Next to Argentina, the largest inflow of newcomers was noted by Brazil. On top of that Uruguay appeared to be an attractive place as well, while in the first decades of the twentieth century many immigrants also turned their steps towards Cuba. In the period of mass migration those four countries received over 90% of arrivals from Europe, who were looking for a new life in Latin America. The main objective of the paper is to present an outline of the changes which took place in the policies of selected Latin American countries at the turn of the twentieth century, starting from pro-immigration policies to the introduction of limits on immigration in the 1930s. The focus is on four countries, which received the most people at that time. Migration policies have been discussed in light of major flows of migrants from Europe and Asia.
EN
The Muslim emigration to France is connected with many social, religious and political problems. The worshippers of Islam were admitted to settle, but not to integrate with French society and the national economy. Although, according to the French scheme of integration, all people are equal before the law and it is unlawful to emphasize differences, life in France does not reflect the Republican idea any more, and instead of creating the French nation as one community, a multicultural society unable to assimilate newcomers is being born. There are numerous stereotypes in French society that push aside Algerians and Moroccans, especially those living in the suburbs, and put them in conflict with the French legal system. This approach should change and the French must cease perceiving Muslims as strangers and realise they are lawful citizens, an inseparable part of their everyday life. The successive generations of Muslim immigrants should no longer be pushed to the margins of social life because of their ethnic origin, name, religion, and culture. The violent riots in France in 2005 and 2007, however, were caused not only by cultural conflict but also by the recession of the French economy. The main problem in the French suburbs is the high level of unemployment (40%) caused by the numerous meanders of the immigration policy. Instead of facilitating employment for immigrants, the government demands special professional training even for jobs which do not require such qualifications.
EN
Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is unarguably an immigrant state, German society being a vibrant multicultural conglomerate whose integral part are persons of immigrant descent. In spite of this, German immigration policy markedly departs from models implemented by classic immigrant states such as Canada or Australia. Many years the German administration refused to acknowledge that Germany was in fact an immigration state, thereby hampering the crystallization of a comprehensive immigration policy, which was substituted by summary regulations. Political efforts focused on limiting the wave of immigrants and exercising strict control of the access of foreigners to the German labor market. Germans did not respond in an adequate way to the problems of foreigners and were reluctant to recognize they were a multicultural society. Political praxis shaped a model of immigration in principle oriented towards short-term and rotational gainful immigration, which in consequence led to exclusion of foreigners from social and political life. The first immigration act that regulated the issue in a comprehensive way came into effect only fifty years after the signing of the first bilateral agreement on the recruitment of workforce in 1955. Deficits of immigration policy are evident in the phenomenon of 'parallel societies', meager acquisition of the German language by immigrants, conflicts on the labor market and in state schools as well as in invariably low rates of naturalization. In the face of negative demographic trends and an obvious shortage of specialists, the FRG is compelled to modify its by now obsolete immigration policy.
EN
Although Poland is not yet a country where immigration plays a major role, the opening of Polish borders in 1989 opened up the country to immigrants. In the 20 years after Poland's political transformation, the number of immigrants, even if still insignificant by other EU countries' standards, has grown steadily, so that in 1998 Łodziński wrote "the foreigner-migrant ceased to be the marginal and exotic person which he used to be. Hę has become so prominent and permanent a phenomenon that determination of his legal status and legal arrangements governing his situation in the various fields of social life has become an important issue" (Łodziński 1998). Yet, the number of immigrants, after all, continues to be at such a low level that Iglicka's declaration of 2003 stating that "Poland does not have a comprehensive migration policy, but mere foundations thereof. Neither is there is a doctrine of migration in the political consciousness which could constitute the foundation of coherent migration policies" (Iglicka 2003) is as valid as ever. Based on analysis of the government's ad hoc actions, press releases, experts' statements and data from public opinion polis, certain trends can be noted that may be used as an indicator of the direction which, if not the political discourse itself, then definitely the public discourse around the issue of immigration, is taking. If, as Zapata-Barrero maintains, we assume that the "discourse provides a reference framework and the main source of arguments for both the legitimacy of policies and for the legitimacy of public perceptions/ actions" (Zapata-Barrero, 2009: 50) and, as the author points out, "the design of discourse as a voluntary and intentional act, is aimed at achieving a specific effect, is a political act and transforms itself into a certain policy" (Zapata-Barrero, 2009: 46), then the discourse on immigration becomes crucial because it defines the process of government's handling of multiculturalism, which democracies must, sooner or later, face. This paper presents the result of analysis of public opinion polis and the political discourse on immigration in Poland and simultaneously attempts to explain the direction it takes assessing its possible consequences.
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PL
Australijska polityka imigracyjna, szczególnie wobec uchodźców, oraz polityka wielokulturowości były często przywoływane w Europie jako pozytywny model, zwłaszcza przez zwolenników masowej imigracji i integracji nowo przybyłych w społeczeństwach przyjmujących. Jednak w ostatnich latach stanowisko Canberry wobec osób próbujących bez wiz dostać się na terytorium australijskie, by tam uzyskać status uchodźcy, wzbudza krytykę na świecie i w samej Australii. Zarazem, gdy Unia Europejska stanęła w obliczu fali niekontrolowanej migracji z Afryki i Azji, nie brakuje wezwań do przyjęcia australijskich rozwiązań. Trudno nie spostrzec, jak bardzo owe polemiki odzwierciedlają starcie różnych politycznych i ideologicznych perspektyw, a trafiające do polskiego czytelnika wypowiedzi są zwykle wyrwane z kontekstu. Dlatego poniższy tekst ma dwa cele: zarysowanie historii polityki australijskiej wobec uchodźców oraz wykazanie, że wprowadzone na przełomie wieku zmiany są raczej jej ewolucyjną kontynuacją niż radykalną zmianą.
EN
Australian immigration policy, particularly regarding refugees, along with multicultural policies were often hailed in Europe as a positive model, especially by advocates of mass immigration and the integration of newcomers in receiving societies. However, in recent years Canberra’s position on asylum seekers trying to reach the Australian territory without visas has provoked criticism in the world as well as in Australia. At the same time, when the European Union faces uncontrolled migration from Africa and Asia, there is no shortage of calls for an adoption of Australian solutions. On cannot but notice how much these polemics reflect the clash between different political and ideological perspectives, while voices on the topic which reach Polish-language readers are usually taken out of context. Therefore the text has two aims: to outline the history of Australian refugee policy and to show that the changes at the turn of the century are its evolutionary continuation rather than any radical change.
PL
W artykule podjęto się analizy polityki imigracyjnej w Nowej Zelandii. Polityka ta wpływała również na prawo imigracyjne, co odzwierciedla się w tekście. Autor przyjął założenie, że procesy globalizacji, takie jak unifikacja postaw i integracja gospodarcza oraz dywersyfikacja kulturowa, były czynnikami determinującymi rozwiązania przyjęte przez władze brytyjskie i nowozelandzkie w zakresie polityki imigracyjnej w czasie ostatnich 150 lat. To studium skoncentrowane jest na przypadku Polaków, na barierach i możliwościach osiedleńczych, jakie tworzyli politycy i ustawodawca w Aotearoa. Postawiono hipotezę, stanowiącą przypuszczenie, że polityka imigracyjna w Nowej Zelandii i związane z nią ustawodawstwo kreowane były stosownie do priorytetów życia gospodarczego i dominujących ideologii. Dokonana analiza i synteza obejmuje okres od podpisania traktatu z Waitangi (1840 r.) do 2015 r.
EN
In this article an author conducts an analysis of New Zealand’s immigration policy. This policy influenced also immigration law, which is mirrored in the text. The author has made an assumption that the processes of globalization such as: the unification of attitudes, economic integration, and cultural diversification were the determining factors behind the solutions applied in British and New Zealand immigration policy over the past 150 years. This study is focused on the case of Poles, on the barriers and possibilities for settlers, 150 Marcin Wałdoch which were created by politicians and legislators. The hypothesis is that immigration policy and immigration law that are bound with each other were created according to the priorities of economic life and dominant ideologies. The conducted analysis and synthesis concern the period from the time The Treaty of Waitangi (1840) to the year 2015.
XX
Proces rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej wiąże się z nasileniem i zmianą dotychczasowych kierunków ruchów migracyjnych. Zwyczajowo kraje uznawane za emigracyjne stopniowo ulegają przekształceniu w kraje imigracji. Uwarunkowań tego typu zachowań można upatrywać, odwołując się do klasycznej teorii E.S. Lee zarówno w oddziaływaniu czynników występujących w kraju pochodzenia (push factors), jak i istniejących w kraju przeznaczenia (pull factors). Decyzja migracyjna nie jest przy tym wynikiem prostej kalkulacji zysków i strat, dokonywanej na podstawie oceny powyższych czynników, ale opiera się także na analizie możliwości przezwyciężenia „barier pośrednich” (intervening obstacles). Wśród tych barier szczególną uwagę zwraca prowadzona w kraju przyjmującym polityka imigracyjna, której instrumenty określa zarówno prawo krajowe, jak i uregulowania międzynarodowe. Jednym z nich jest formuła nadawania obywatelstwa, która teoretycznie gwarantuje imigrantom równość wobec prawa. Osiągnięcie określonego statusu prawnego nie pokrywa się automatycznie z osiągnięciem statusu społeczno--kulturowego. W tym wymiarze większe znaczenie odgrywa kryterium pochodzenia etnicznego, które określa miejsce imigranta – „nowego obywatela” w strukturze społecznej kraju przyjmującego. Co więcej, w zależności od modelu polityki imigracyjnej jest czynnikiem określającym samą możliwość ubiegania się o bycie obywatelem.
EN
The enlargement of the European Union is connected with intensification and change of previous directions of migration movements. Usually, countries recognized as emigration countries gradually turn into immigration countries. Referring to the classic theory by E.S. Lee conditions of that type of behaviour can be sought in both the effects of factors associated with the area of origin (push factors) as well as in the existing factors associated with the area of destination (pull factors). The migration decision is therefore not a result of a simple calculation of gains and losses made on the grounds of an assessment of the above mentioned factors, but it is also based upon an analysis of the possibilities of overcoming the so called “intervening obstacles”. These obstacles include, among others, the immigration policy of the receiving country, to which particular attention is paid to by a potential immigrant. The policy instruments are defi ned both by the country law and by international regulations. One of them is access to citizenship, which in theory guarantees equal justice under law. The achievement of a given legal status does not automatically translate into achieving a social-cultural status. In this dimension, a greater meaning is attributed to the criterion of ethnic origin that defi nes the immigrant’s – “new citizen’s” place in the receiving country’s social structure. Moreover, depending on the model of immigration policy this criterion itself determines the possibility of applying for citizenship.
EN
International migration is a major issue in many parts of the world today. In the United States, with its history of immigration, it has been a recurring theme in political discussion for over two centuries. This article addresses three issues: (1) providing data to establish the size, composition, and recent trends in immigration to the U.S. today, (2) a review of 2018 U.S. public opinion polls on immigration, and (3) an interpretation of why a subject where most Americans generally agree has caused protracted emotional and divisive debates over the past two decades.
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