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1

Das Profil des Intellektuellen in der Bundesrepublik und der DDR

100%
Wolting M.
Germanica Wratislaviensia
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2012
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vol. 136
25-40
EN
The intellectual actively determined Germany’s public and political image. The intelligence of the GDR gave its face to the political power of the SED. Who is an intellectual? Who deserves this title? These are the questions that should be asked in addition to the considerations about the German-German mental states not only in the time of separation but also in the time of the unification of both German states.
2

PATTERNS OF SOCIAL WORLD: THE CONCEPTS OF SOCIETY AND ACTOR IN SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY (Kartyny sotsial'noho svitu: konsepty suspilstva i subjekta dii v sotsiolohichnii teorii)

100%
Otreshko N.
Sotsiolohiia: teoriia, metody, marketyng (Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing)
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2009
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issue 1
127-137
EN
Patterns of the world are systems of ideas about reality. These systems are accepted in the culture of a certain socio-historical area. Patterns of the world set the stage for world perception by a human being as a subject of cognition and as an actor. Actor's points of view are conditioned by such an interpretations of reality as self-evident for the actor. This way of reality interpretation may be defined as the pattern of the world which dominates in the mass consciousness in certain socio-cultural space. Intellectual elite elaborates the interpretation of social reality intended for all social groups. In the Middle Ages, Catholic Church held the monopoly in offering the universal 'Weltanschauung' shaping the religious pattern of the world. Starting from the Age of Enlightenment, the secularization process had broken up this monopoly in favor of philosophers and, later on, theoretical sociologists. Objectivist and subjectivist sociological theories treat these developments, as well as concepts of society and actor in different ways. Such a divergence of opinions is conditioned both by philosophical and political ideas of theorists.
3

THE INTELLECTUAL IN REVOLUTION (Intelektualista (w) rewolucji)

75%
Cwikla P.
Studia Socjologiczne
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2009
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issue 2(193)
55-76
EN
The author tries to examine the social role of an intellectual in days of revolution. The author focuses on the meaning of an idea - an abstraction, which begins to have an impact on reality, transforming itself into ideology and creating ideologists. The problem is illustrated by biography of Camille Desmoulins, one of the main figures of French Revolution. The author also pays attention to possibility of using elements of sociological theory in order to interpret the revolutionary intellectual's motivations and aims. Florian Znaniecki's categories as put forth in 'Spoleczne role uczonych' as well as Alexis de Tocqueville's reflections regarding relationships between politics and ideologically engaged literature and journalism are also employed.
4
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THE COLONISED IMPERIALIST. ON THE RUSSIAN PARADOX ON THE EXAMPLE OF 'GENERATION P' BY V. PELEVIN AND 'RUSSIA UNDER AVALANCHE' BY A. SOLZHENITSYN (Polish title - below)

75%
Nakoneczny T.
Porównania
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2008
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vol. 5
183-201
EN
(Title in Polish - 'Imperialista skolonizowany. O rosyjskim paradoksie kolonialnym na przykladzie 'Generation P' W. Pielewina i 'Rosja w zapasci' A. Solzenicyna'). The article aims at indicating the major limits of the post-colonial theory that result from its two important aspects: the moral and the political one. The existence of the first reason leads to the fact that postcolonialism is included into the leftist line of thought. The other reason makes it a sort of a weapon for a political fight for prestige and recognition. The case analysed in details is Russian imperialism whose influence on literature can be noticed not only in the past (e.g. in the 19th century classics) but also contemporarily. In order to corroborate the general remarks the author focuses on two works - 'Russia Under Avalanche' by Aleksander Solzhenitsyn and 'Generation P' by Victor Pelewin. The author underscores that both reveal the existence of the Russian paradox that consists in the fact that the identity discourse on the grounds of Russian literature results in a more or less conscious return to thinking in imperialistic categories.
5

MIND - LIFE - KNOWLEDGE. THE YOUNG MANNHEIM'S WAY TO SOCIOLOGY (Lelek - elet - tudas. A fiatal Mannheim utja a szociologiahoz)

75%
Karacsony A.
Szociologiai Szemle (Sociological Review)
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2009
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vol. 19
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issue 3
26-42
EN
This essay discusses a less known period of Karl Mannheirn's life, namely the period he spent in Hungary. The author attempts to point out that the career of the young Mannheim, starting from a philosophical interest and continued with a sociological one, is continuous. His first published works and letters prove that in the period preceding his emigration to Germany in 1919, he was concerned with questions that received their mature form in his sociology of knowledge. They include primarily the question of culture, that of perspective-boundedness (relativity) of cognition, interpretation and the problem of intellectuals. Despite changing disciplines from philosophy to sociology, the continuity of his oeuvre can be shown.
6

SPORY A KONFLIKTY MEDZI SLOVENSKÝMI SPISOVATEĽMI V ROKOCH 1945 – 1948

75%
Pavčík F.
Studia Historica Nitriensia
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2018
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vol. 22
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issue 2
382 – 407
EN
The study focuses on the Slovak literary life between the years 1945 - 1948, especially on the relations and conflicts among Slovak writers and intellectuals in the short period before the communist coup. In the paper they are analysed public reactions to the cleansing of Slovak cultural life in the contemporary cultural journals, whereas the author pays attention mainly on the communist writers. Although these intellectuals were members of the Communist party, many of them had different opinions on how to deal with the problem of cleansing after the World War II. The study wants to emphasize variability of opinions among the communist´s writers and the attention of the study is turned to the interior of the writer´s community, who has been traditionally quarrelled since the first Czechoslovak republic and divided by personal conflicts.
7

RORTYHO KONCEPCIA SPOLOČENSKEJ ROLY INTELEKTUÁLOV

75%
Višňovský E.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
|
2013
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vol. 68
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issue 8
704 – 715
EN
The paper gives a concise account of Rorty’s conception of intellectuals and their role in society, politics and culture. This topic is an integral part of Rorty’s writings, in particular those on ethics and politics since the 1990s. The author describes his attitude towards Central-European intellectuals such as Patočka and Havel; his views on the contemporary leftist intellectuals in relation to the problem of the poor; his cultural typology of intellectuals as related to cultural politics; his concept of post-philosophical culture. In conclusion he depicts Rorty’s hope in future intellectual culture radically different from that of our days.
8

INTELEKTUÁLI V SLOVENSKEJ POLITIKE PRED A PO ROKU 1989

63%
Kusý M.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
|
2008
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vol. 1
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issue 1
54 – 73
EN
Without intelligentsia, particularly without intellectuals, there would be neither Communist ideology, nor Communist movement. Intellectual personalities (actors, writers, social scientists and also teachers) gradually, more or less conspicuously, left the Communist ranks. Their active participation grew into anti-Communist dissent. In Slovakia, this process was inconsistent and stopped somewhere halfway through as there was no compact or powerful intellectual dissent such as Charta 77 or the Polish KOR. When speaking about the Czechoslovak dissent launched by Charta 77, concentrated in the Chartist movement, which during the „Velvet Revolution of 1989” transformed itself into the „Civic Forum” (Občanské fórum), we mostly speak about the Prague events. Unlike their Czech partners, the Slovak intellectuals, who stood at the roots of the opposition movement „The Public against Violence (Verejnosť proti násiliu)”, were mostly members of the Communist establishment. The transformation process of the Czech Civic Forum and the Slovak Public against Violence produced new winners of the parliamentary elections of 1992, who were clearly and unambiguously separate both from the Czech intellectual dissent and from the Slovak intellectual elite and who divided Czechoslovakia into two independent states: the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. The new situation in the post-Communist Slovak Republic very strongly suggested certain analogies with the intellectual attitude to politics during the Communist era. The victorious Movement for Democratic Slovakia (Hnutie za demokratické Slovensko) came into power, supported by part of the Slovak intellectual representation in a similar manner as did the Communist Party following the events of 1948. Vladimír Mečiar, President of the Movement for Democratic Slovakia, unwittingly managed to gather the Slovak intellectual elite under an umbrella of intellectual dissent. At that time, the main priority was getting rid of Mečiar and mečiarism, i.e., of his principle of one-leader management, which is inappropriate in the context of democracy and which is bred by pre-democratic and anti-democratic societies. The situation, by which the Slovak society became visible before the fall of mečiarism in 1997, could, from a certain perspective, be described as a crisis of political elite.
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