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EN
The economy creates society, economic system does it to a greater degree. The text aims to show the neoliberal system in Poland as an actual effect of the transformation. This system means that the principles of neoclassical economics are transferred to the other areas of science. For the economy it postulates free market and focus on entrepreneurship. Neoliberalism as a basis for a new, adopted to it society means far-reaching changes in the lives of the people, their relationships, the culture, the public sphere and disappearance of the traditional ideologies in favor ofadaptive behavior. The text is based on experience and other texts.
EN
This paper looks at European integration and specifically at its institutional form – the European Union from an ideological perspective. The author claims that ‘Europeanism’ has become a new ideology shared among intellectual, political, judicatory, societal, and even dominant economic elites that influence or shape the European Union as an institution and its major policies. As an ideology, ‘Europeanism’ is a somewhat exotic mixture of various, seemingly incoherent trends that give the current European Union its intriguing characteristics. On the one hand, economically, one can easily identify numerous elements of neoliberalism, especially regarding the financial aspects of European integration. Likewise, arguments used by the major proponents of European integration vis-à-vis USA, China, or Japan are of neoliberal character. At the same time, regarding international trade in agricultural products, intellectual property, or internal (single market) competition (freedom of labour) one rather quickly spots distinct elements of protectionism and over-regulation. Finally, in terms of philosophical outlook and especially moral issues, ‘Europeanism’ seems to be mostly focusing on the progressive agenda.
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The Dynamics of Ideological Rivalry in the Middle East

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EN
This article focuses on analysing political culture for understanding the dynamics of ideological rivalry in the Middle East. It reviews the concept of political culture and locates, therein, constant references to the ‘core’, ‘enduring cultural component’ or ‘stock of knowledge’ in society. Subsequently, those descriptive terms are used to explain the essence of political culture, alluding to its political values. However, that allusion is misleading, since what the ‘core’ precisely consists of is left largely undefined. Therefore, this study proceeded to define that ‘core’ and labelled it the `foundational` aspect of Islamic political culture. More clearly, that represents those aspects of permanence, in Islamic political culture and consists of deeply cherished political ideals. Yet, this articulation is only the first sphere of inquiry. Specifically, understanding Islamic political culture in Muslim polities involves three spheres of inquiry: ‘foundational’ – what endures or should be, ‘contextual’ – what is,’ and ‘individual’ – the agent for movement
EN
This article deals with the issue of Christianity in Slovak party politics. The authors classify the Slovak political parties that use topics related to Christianity, religion or the Catholic Church in their communication strategies or in programme documents. They conclude that the issue of Christianity is often discussed not only by Christian Democrats, but also by other types of political parties. Although issues associated with Christianity and the values of the Catholic Church arise both in the party family of the Conservative parties, right‑wing extremists also use this issue in their communication strategies.
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Symbolická moc médií jako pedagogický faktor

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EN
The theoretical study explores media symbolic power as the main condition and means of its educational influence. The beginning of the study introduces the concept of symbolic power, from which author deduces the existence of specific media “educational program”. The second part discusses the role of the state in shaping the symbolic environment and stresses the main position state holds in defining parameters of media “educational program” as a dominant hegemonof symbolic power. The possibility of creating opposition discourses potent ially disruptive to symbolic hegemony of the state and the role which media education plays in this process is the topic of the next part. At the conclusion of the paper, the concept of media literacy as a social and civic competence that enables individuals to participate more effectively in the process of public communication and political decision-making is then formulated. Contrary to media education widespread belief that media is the hegemon of symbolic power in society, the paper proposes a theoretically substantiated thesis that the symbolic power of media is controlled by the state, which determines the content and form of public discourse. The “educational program” of media is thus controlled by the state and reflects its need to set knowledge in society. With regard to these βindings, media literacy could broaden the current concept of media literacy by civic and political context. If media are primarily the domain of control, knowledge and skills associated with media should prod uce more accurate idea of ways power is exercised in society and forms of one ́s emancipation.
EN
At the turn of the 21st century, the ethical boundaries have been demolished in a dramatic way, especially in reference to the broadly understood human sexuality. An intensively promoted materialist anthropology connected to the reductive vision of human sexuality and sexual life, has created the foundation for anew ideology. Gender theory finds itself well in the postmodernist context, where multi-dimensional determinist conditioning, relativism and temporality of all human intellectual property are highlighted. The Traditional categories as femininity, masculinity, and heterosexuality were rejected and treated as mere archaic stereotypes. According to gender ideologists, in order to prevent discrimination one has to finally start the deconstruction of a patriarchal regime and replace it with anew, egocentric and hedonistic culture. The author of this article presents new challenges for the Catholic vision of the vocation of women and men highlighting the deconstruction of the biological sex, a new anthropology and the far-going transformations in the consciousness, social, cultural and political activity on an ­international scale.
EN
Utility is a fundamental notion of orthodox (mostly neoclassical) economics, but as it is an idea, that is very vague and thus impossible to define and measure, it did a lot of harm to economics as a science. Therefore, I strongly argue that this outdated and imprecise concept should be finally abandoned, especially as a basis for microeconomic consumer theory, because it is not only illogical, but also ideologically not neutral, and thus unscientific. For sheer inertia, the concept of utility, as a basis for microeconomic theory, is taught to the students, thus corrupting the young minds. Furthermore, the present financial and economic crisis, the most serious since the 1930s, should force the economists from the academia to seriously revise the foundations of microeconomic theory, and, as logical consequence, rewrite the handbooks in microeconomics. I do not merely argue that the utility theory defies both logic and empirical justification, as many authors did it before me. I argue that the very notion of utility is unscientific, and was kept in microeconomic books only because of sheer inertia, but this way it made a lot of harm to the science of economics, and, as a result to the real economies. I also argue that the subjectivist theory of value should be replaced with an objectivist one, based on value of labour.
EN
The article presents the approach of Catholic journalism towards cultural, social and political issues as can be found in Catholic periodicals from the years 1945‒1948. One of the main characteristics of this approach is its focus on personal human dignity and its connection to the fact of the creation and redemption of the human person. Personal dignity forms an opposition towards the reductive approach of modern ideologies, which are understood as an instrumental construction of humanity leading to the limitation of the uniqueness and richness of human life. The critique of ideology is not anchored in an unambiguous left‑ or right‑wing political orientation. Catholic authors are also critical for the liberal and Marxist vision of social and political life. The way out of ideologized thinking is therefore found in the richness and depth of the religious, Christian tradition.
PL
At the turn of the 21st century, the ethical boundaries have been demolished in a dramatic way, especially in reference to the broadly understood human sexuality. An intensively promoted materialist anthropology connected to the reductive vision of human sexuality and sexual life, has created the foundation for anew ideology. Gender theory finds itself well in the postmodernist context, where multi-dimensional determinist conditioning, relativism and temporality of all human intellectual property are highlighted. The Traditional categories as femininity, masculinity, and heterosexuality were rejected and treated as mere archaic stereotypes. According to gender ideologists, in order to prevent discrimination one has to finally start the deconstruction of a patriarchal regime and replace it with anew, egocentric and hedonistic culture. The author of this article presents new challenges for the Catholic vision of the vocation of women and men highlighting the deconstruction of the biological sex, a new anthropology and the far-going transformations in the consciousness, social, cultural and political activity on an ­international scale.
EN
Today’s critique of ideology faces three influential concepts, that defined the understanding of ideological phenomenons in twentieth century. The first one of them was developed within the theory of totalitarianism. It perceived ideology as quasi-logical doctrine, justifying terror and absolute power. The second one was the end of ideology thesis. Ideology was conceived in it as a set of doctrines that mix up political and metaphysical issues. The last one was poststructuralist critique of the notion of ideology, as relying on naïve epistemological concepts. Author presents those three concepts, and tries to show their limitations from the point of view of contemporary ideology critique.
PL
Dzisiejsza krytyka ideologii zmaga się z trzema wpływowymi koncepcjami, które określiły rozumienie fenomenu ideologii w dwudziestym wieku. Pierwszą z nich była teoria totalitaryzmu. Utożsamiła ona ideologię z quasi-logiczną doktryną, uzasadniającą terror i absolutną władzę. Drugą była teza o „końcu ideologii”. Ideologia była w niej rozumiana jako doktryna, która myli kwestie polityczne z metafizycznymi. Wreszcie, poststrukturaliści krytykowali samo pojęcie ideologii, jako oparte na naiwnych koncepcjach epistemologicznych. Autor przedstawia te trzy ujęcia i próbuje pokazać ich ograniczenia z punktu widzenia współczesnej krytyki ideologii.
EN
The paper aims to analyze the ideology of two most notable fascist organizations in the first Czechoslovak Republic – the National Fascist Community and Slovak Rodobrana. The paper focuses on the possibilities of using the methodology of so-called “the New Consensus” platform on interpreting the concept of generic fascism. Author, on the basis of “palingenetic myth” as a definitional core of fascist organization, tries to check the functionality of the core motive of this relatively new theoretical approach towards fascism in the Anglophone historiography. In the end he points out on the strengths and weaknesses of the infl uential concept defined by British historian Roger Griffin. The study offers new suggestions for the discussion on the field of fascist studies as well.
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Wątki ofiarnicze

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EN
Treating the imperial experience as its departure point, the article identifies a parallel relationship between the empire and the people reflected by the relationship between a man and a woman, the former presented as a noble savage the latter as a victim of the imperialist situation. The space outlined between them is however further complicated by the counter-character of the “man of culture” who interrupts the purity of the idyllic environment and contaminates it with historical and ideological dilemmas illustrated, among other works, in Dostoyevsky’s novels.
PL
Wychodząc od dyskusji nad doświadczeniami imperialnymi, niniejszy artykuł dostrzega paralelę pomiędzy relacją imperium - lud a relacją mężczyzna kobieta, w której jedno z nich przedstawione jest jako szlachetny dzikus a drugie jako ofiara imperializmu. Tak nakreślona sytuacja zostaje jednak zaburzona przez trzeci czynnik: "człowieka kultury", który zaburza czystość idylicznego porządku i zartuwa go historycznymi i ideologicznymi dylematami, opisanymi, między innymi, w powieściach Dostojewskiego.
EN
The present article is an attempt to define the characteristic and distinctive features of P. Mroczkowski’s thinking about the Middle Ages. The author distinguishes between Mroczkowski the professional medievalist, Mroczkowski the popularizer of knowledge about the Middle Ages, and Mroczkowski an ideologist of medievalism understood as a certain counterpoint and counter proposal in relation to modernity. In this latter role the professor reveals the somewhat sentimental and nostalgic aspects of his attitude towards the Middle Ages, which, however, by no means prevents him from being able to analyse that epoch, and its culture, in a more critical spirit too. The author of the article also tries to establish the degree and nature of Mroczkowski’s indebtedness to some English representatives of ideological medievalism, particularly C.S. Lewis and G.K. Chesterton. The Polish scholar appears from this comparison as perhaps a trifle less polemical or philosophical in his approach, but more firmly anchored in a thorough understanding of the materialist and dynamic context of medieval culture and literature.
EN
The article deals with the problem of an anthropological understanding of metaphysics in theology and addresses its relevance against a confrontation with an ontological understanding of theological metaphysics. The article format does not allow for a comprehensive treatise but raises the issue as a principal question that can comprehend the problem’s basic context and aspire to an answer as to whose conclusiveness should be – in discussion with philosophical­-religious and philosophical­-theological theorems – rationally autonomous. The text is based on the works of authors whose thinking a) enables an identification of a "connecting place" for metaphysics in theology, b) raises the possibility of an "anthropological connection" to theological metaphysics, c) helps recognise what is representative of the current state of reflection on this matter in the field of theological thinking, d) and itself elaborates the anthropological viewpoint for theological metaphysical thinking. The thread of content proceeds from a philosophical­-religious typology of talking about God via a presentation of the anthropological viewpoint of metaphysics towards the standing of metaphysics in contemporary theology and the search for points of contact in T. Pröpper’s theological anthropology. The conclusion refers to the possibility of process thought for an anthropologically relevant embedding in theological metaphysics.
EN
Liberal capitalist democracy is a universal socio-political project of our age. But this project is in crisis and in decline. The current crisis of democracy caused by the Darwinist spirit of the late capitalist order only proves that democracy is an instrument for strengthening the dominant positions of the ruling liberal elites. In other words, democracy, in particular liberal democracy as a hegemonic form of the contemporary global democratic project, functions as a formal ideological-instrumental framework for the reproduction of the dominant position of a ruling class serving the interests of the few, not the many. In this way, anti-democratic sentiments among the masses are fuelled almost everywhere in both Western and non-Western cultures where political elites have assumed a formal democratic mask. Furthermore, the existing crisis of the Western liberal democratic project has given crucial benefits for the revival of anti-elitist populism in the contemporary world. The goal of this paper is to critically examine the fate of democracy in modern times as well as to shed light once again on the crisis of the liberal conception of democracy, including its concomitant pathologies, resistances, and political and social consequences.  
EN
This article discusses the role of history and language for the country of Belarus, which is on the border of Western and Eastern ideological systems. The content is based on observation and discussions with individuals during the time-period 2003– 2014. The aim of this article is to sociologically present a model which illustrates how post-Soviet authoritarian systems control time and space symbolically to recreate an ideological design that allows an authoritarian regime to maintain power through the use of the Soviet Symbolic framework. This model, based on the example of discussions with Belarusans, is applicable as a comparative tool to understand the processes taking place in the Ukraine and also in Russia. The argument in this article integrates history, systems of state ideology and identity formation on the border of two cultural civilizations. Comparative examples concerning the conflict with Russia and the Ukraine are used to apply the theoretical model based on current changes and events in the regional macro-infrastructure offering a sociological take on the link between historical and contemporary social and cultural changes in this region.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono znaczenie kulturowych uwarunkowań, w szczególności historii oraz języka, dla Białorusi – kraju leżącego na pograniczu zachodniej i wschodniej cywilizacji. Zaprezentowany teoretyczny model ma na celu objaśnienie działania postsowieckiego systemu władzy, gdzie autorytarny reżim wykorzystuje w sposób różnorodny elementy z przestrzeni symbolicznej w celu stworzenia ideologicznego uzasadnienia dla własnego funkcjonowania. W celu wyjaśnienia mechanizmów władzy na Białorusi odwołuję się do uwarunkowań historycznych, które oddziaływają na oficjalną ideologię, tworząc tym samym tożsamość mieszkańców kraju. Przedstawiony model został wypracowany na podstawie badań empirycznych prowadzonych za pomocą techniki obserwacji i wywiadów indywidualnych w okresie 2003–2014 na Białorusi. Wydaje się jednak, że ma on szersze możliwości eksplanacyjne, pozwalające zrozumieć działania decydentów politycznych w zakresie legitymizacji władzy w innych rosyjskojęzycznych krajach, które powstały po upadku Związku Radzieckiego.
EN
This article aims to expose the personalistic concept of social life as defined by Stefan Wyszyński in the context of the doctrine of liberal capitalism, as well as ideological concepts implementing socialist ideas. The central thesis of the analysis undertaken by the author is to present the issues as mentioned above not so much in terms of defining and authenticating their specificity, but above all as the so-called “incomplete systems,” i.e., concepts that are not compatible with the humanistic-personalistic vision of man and society represented by Wyszyński’s personalism. However, the liberal ideology and the related capitalism, rooted in the realities of the mid-nineteenth century, were constantly evolving, often changing their development dynamics, main parameters, and specificity. In turn, socialist ideology was mainly shaped as a kind of the antithesis of the capitalist reality of the 19th century. However, it has never existed in a uniform and integrated form. The above concept, referred to as the doctrine of socialist orientation, was in fact a hybrid of liberal-capitalist ideas referring – somewhat – to specific forms of neo-feudal bureaucracy, as in the case of “real socialism” typical for the Peoples Republic of Poland. A more detailed analysis of the above concepts and their critical reinterpretation in the context of Wyszyński’s personalistic thought allows us to realize the dangers related to the ideologically motivated propagation of extreme – often distorted – concepts of man and society and the possibility of using them in a specific socio-political reality of the contemporary world.
PL
Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie personalistycznej koncepcji życia społecznego w ujęciu Stefana Wyszyńskiego, w kontekście doktryny liberalnego kapitalizmu, jak również zideologizowanych koncepcji realizujących tzw. idee socjalistyczne. Zasadniczą tezą podjętych przez autora analiz jest zatem przedstawienie powyższych zagadnień nie tyle w kategoriach definiujących i uwiarygadniających ich funkcjonalność, ale przede wszystkim ukazanie ich jako tzw. systemy niepełne, a więc koncepcje mało kompatybilne z humanistyczno-personalistyczną wizją człowieka i społeczeństwa reprezentowaną przez personalizm Wyszyńskiego. Ideologia liberalna i związany z nią kapitalizm, zakorzeniony w realiach połowy XIX w., podlegała nieustannej ewolucji, często zmieniając swoją dynamikę rozwoju, główne parametry i specyfikę oddziaływania. Z kolei ideologia socjalistyczna kształtowała się w dużej mierze jako swego rodzaju antyteza kapitalistycznej rzeczywistości XIX w. Co więcej, nigdy nie istniała ona w jednolitej i zintegrowanej formie. Powyższa koncepcja, określana jako doktryna komunitarna o orientacji socjalistycznej, była w rzeczywistości hybrydą idei liberalno-kapitalistycznych, nawiązujących poniekąd do specyficznych form „neofeudalnej biurokracji”, tak jak w przypadku „realnego socjalizmu” w wersji PRL-u. Bardziej szczegółowa analiza powyższych koncepcji i ich krytyczna reinterpretacja w kontekście myśli personalistycznej Wyszyńskiego pozwala uświadomić niebezpieczeństwa związane z ideologicznie motywowanym propagowaniem skrajnych – często zafałszowanych, a nawet destruktywnych – koncepcji człowieka i społeczeństwa oraz możliwością ich wykorzystania w konkretnej rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej współczesnego świata.
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