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Wskazówki Ignacego Antiocheńskiego do Filadelfian w sprawie jedności kościelnej w obliczu działalności judaizantów

100%
Widok N.
Vox Patrum
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2010
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vol. 55
667-673
EN
Huius dissertatiunculae tenor perpendit ecclesiae unitatem, quam Ignatius Antiochenus in Epistula ad Philadelphios expromit. Inter varios enim coetus religiosos in urbe Philadelphia significanter exstiterunt christiani inclinati ad iudaicam religionem. Ignatius illis praecepta introducenda in vitam christianam definit, quorum una Eucharistia et unus episcopus maximi momenti sunt. Oboedientia erga episcopum unus modus fit ad adipiscendam ecclesiae unitatem.
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Figura e ministero dei diaconi nelle lettere di Ignazio d’Antiochia

75%
Selejdak R.
Vox Patrum
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2006
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vol. 49
573-591
PL
Listy Ignacego Antiocheńskiego stanowią niezwykle ważne świadectwa z okresu wczesnego chrześcijaństwa. Ukazują one wiarę chrześcijan końca I i początku II wieku oraz ówczesną strukturę hierarchiczną wspólnoty kościelnej. Fundamentem tej wspólnoty jest Chrystus. Wspólnota kościelna jest ściśle skupiona wokół biskupa, wspomaganego przez prezbiterów i diakonów.
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Między Chrystusem a ziemskimi pożądliwościami. Historia przekładów i interpretacji oraz współczesna debata nad ewokacją ho emos eros estaurotai (Rom 7, 2) Ignacego Antiocheńskiego

63%
Abucewicz K.
Vox Patrum
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2015
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vol. 64
37-68
EN
Composed into the letter of Ignatius of Antioch to the Church of Rome, perhaps the most famous evocation – ho emos eros estaurotai – has a long tradition of interpretation, which being initiated by Origen and taking somewhat turbulent course reaches our times. Its manifestation is visible in the translations themselves, where already from the Latin rendering a significant diversity can be observed, and the wide range of interpretations is being reflected with its spread in the modern translations. Those of Greek Fathers who spoke after Origen essentially upheld the interpretation of the Alexandrian, seeing under eros – as he did – the Christ Himself. Finally they fastened so conceptualized eros in the spiritual theology and inscribed the Ignatius’ evocation into the liturgy of the Eastern Church for ages. However in the Western Church, it seems that the significant influence on the mod­ern interpretation of the Ignatius’ evocation – starting from the nineteenth century – had the ongoing in the background discussion on authenticity of the Antiocher’s letters. The time of extensive research, beyond the contribution to the determina­tion of the middle recension, from exacting blade of critics had adjudicated about fundamental error of Origen and the other Greek Fathers in the interpretation they adopted. The dominance of the newly discovered interpretation coincided with the adoption of middle recension and spreads to the present day. The resulting dis­sonance to the voice of the ancient Church born an undying question which – al­though with different intensity at different times – continues resounding. Could the Greek Fathers be so much wrong in taking the comment to the famous Ignatius’ evocation? How is it possible that those for whom the ancient Greek was the lan­guage of everyday life, and appropriate for the letters of Ignatius „Sitz im Leben” was the environment in which in the chronological proximity they grew up and lived, diverge from the actual socio-cultural and literary context from the inside of which Ignatius spoke? These and other questions have intrigued many scholars of the last century. It is, perhaps, their echo that outlines a certain circle being formed by modern translations and commentaries, running back to the beginning, to the first interpretations. This movement, presumably, shows unextinguished disagree­ment for leaving such a significant dissonance to the voice of the ancient Church. Perhaps it is also a hunch that in the content of the Ignatius’ words there is still something else, what more clearly saw the Fathers, and what in some sense re­mains hidden from modern researchers. By the same token, following the path of these assumptions, the undertaken analysis of the Syrian translation combined with the conclusions of the recent philological study on the Greek text put a question mark on the popular interpretation and allow to hypothesize in a way that is getting closer to the voice of Fathers again. It seems that the meaning of Ignatius’ evoca­tion could have been more positive than it is used to be frequently commented.
4
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Wymogi formacji i tożsamości kapłańskiej. Między Antiochią i Aleksandrią (II-IV wiek)

51%
Covolo E. d.
Vox Patrum
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2001
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vol. 40
157-172
IT
L'autore dell'articolo sta paragonando due antiche tradizioni orientali della formazione sacerdotale: antiochena rappresentata da Ignazio Antiocheno e da Giovanni Crisostomo, ed alessandrina illustrata coi testi di Origene, che insegna chiaramente del sacerdozio dei fedeli e del sacerdozio ministeriale.
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Prymat Kościoła/biskupa Rzymu w źródłach chrześcijańskich II wieku

51%
Misiarczyk L.
Vox Patrum
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2004
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vol. 46
51-77
IT
Nella riftessione sut primato detta Chiesa o det Vescovo di Roma net II secoto e necessario distinguere it fatto di riferire it primato da attre communita ecctesiastiche di attora atta Chiesa o at Vescovo di Roma datta consapevotezza det primato detta stessa Chiesa di Roma o dei suoi Vescovi. Net II secoto, come ci e stato trasmesso datte fonti cristiane antiche, it primato veniva riferito atta Chiesa o at Vescovo di Roma da Ignazio di Antiochia, Egesippo e Tertutiano, invece Letfera a/ Corinzi di Ctemente e ta controversia riguardante ta data detta cetebrazione di Pasqua testimoniano appunto ta crescente consapevotezza det primato netta Chiesa e nei Vescovi di Roma.
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Najstarsze patrystyczne świadectwa refleksji mariologicznej (Ignacy Antiocheński, Justyn Męczennik, Ireneusz z Lyonu)

45%
Turek W. J.
Vox Patrum
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2021
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vol. 80
69-86
EN
The article deals with the theme of theological reflection on Mary in the oldest Patristic texts written by St. Ignatius of Antioch, St. Justin martyr and St. Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons. It presents the strong ties of Mariology and Christology in all three authors. St. Ignatius decidedly rejects the teaching of the Docetists and shows that it was Mary who gave birth to Christ, giving Him a real human body that allowed Him later to suffer and die. St. Justin juxtaposes the works of Eve and Mary, and the birth of Jesus Christ from the Virgin is elucidated in the light of Old Testament prophecies. Finally, St. Irenaeus, in the context of the polemic with Gnosticism, deepens the parallel between Eve and Mary, taking into account also the comparison between Adam and Christ. As Adam had been formed from the virginal earth, so Christ, the new Adam was formed from the Virgin Mary, who through her faith and obedience opened to humanity the way to new life.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje temat refleksji mariologicznej w najstarszych tekstach patrystycznych autorstwa św. Ignacego Antiocheńskiego, św. Justyna męczennika i św. Ireneusza, biskupa Lyonu. Ukazuje mocne powiązanie mariologii z chrystologią u wszystkich trzech autorów. Św. Ignacy odrzuca zdecydowanie nauczanie doketów i ukazuje, że Maryja zrodziła Chrystusa, dała Mu prawdziwe ciało ludzkie, które później pozwoliło Mu cierpieć i umrzeć. U św. Justyna pojawia się przeciwstawienie dzieła Ewy i Maryi, a narodzenie Jezusa Chrystusa z Dziewicy ukazane jest w świetle zapowiedzi starotestamentalnych. Z kolei św. Ireneusz pogłębia w kontekście polemiki z gnostycyzmem paralelizm Ewa – Maryja, biorąc pod uwagę także porównanie między Adamem i Chrystusem. Jak Adam został uformowany z dziewiczej ziemi, tak Chrystus, nowy Adam, został ukształtowany z Dziewicy Maryi, która przez swoją wiarę i posłuszeństwo otworzyła rodzajowi ludzkiemu drogę do nowego życia.
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Świętowanie w chrześcijaństwie w IV–V wieku

23%
Komarnicki K. F.
Studia Redemptorystowskie
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2013
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issue 11
201-229
EN
Human time, no matter to what culture or religion a man belongs, is filled with celebrations that give rhythm to his life and help him capture the essence of his existence. Also Christianity over the centuries worked out various forms of specific celebration. The goal of this text is to look at the character of celebrate in the fourth and fifth centuries and to determine how the Christian writers wrote about the celebration. The first sources that author considered are two ancient texts of Socrates of Constantinople (Socrates Scholasticus) and Sozomen (Salminius Hermias Sozomenus) with the same names: Historia Ecclesiastica. In both works there are little chapters, in which appear the mention of the celebration, the majority of them is associated with Feast of the Passover and The First Council of Nicaea, others occur mainly on the margins of the narrative. This is because the history of the Church is here treated primarily as ‘political’ history, shaped by the decisions of great personages of the Church. The most important conclusion that emerges from these two texts is the observation that the differences in the way of celebration are not a source of division, but most of all divisions for doctrinal reasons manifest themselves in a separate celebration. The second source is The Travels of Egeria, also called The Pilgrimage of Aetheria (Itinerarium Egeriae), a letter describing the author’s travel to the holy places. In her report Egeria devotes much attention to the description of those involved in the celebration of subsequent festivals. The modern reader is struck by the generosity of crowds gathered in prayer and their vivid faith that motivates them to make long prayers going for hours. Celebration of Christians in the fourth and fifth centuries was an expression of a vivid faith. Their religion permeated life in all dimensions, and determined the essence of who they were. It was touching the inexpressible, the main aim was above all communion with Christ and the Church. Originally Christians celebrated entirely in the community of the Church, which gives a more or less clear framework to all that can be considered for celebration.
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