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1
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Polemika antydoketystyczna u św. Ignacego z Antiochii

100%
Jaśkiewicz G.
Studia Ełckie
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2011
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vol. 13
401-408
EN
Ignatius of Antioch condemned Docetist doctrine as a heresy which was destroying Christianity. That doctrine made doubts in the orthodox knowledge. Docetist proponents did not believe that Christ had become a man in order to save the humanity. What they accepted was that He remained God and nothing but God while appeared in the world. The Catholic Church resolved that problem during the Council of Chalcedon in 451 by proclaiming Christ to be one person in two natures. The article presents the views of St. Ignatius whose anti-Docetost polemics strongly contributed to recover Catholic Creed in Jesus Christ the Son Of God who came to live on the Earth for the salvation of all people. The teachings of St. Ignatius justify the thesis that Christ truly, not apparently, was born, suffered, died, and rose for eternal life.
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O „ukrzyżowanym erosie” Ignacego Antiocheńskiego w monografii naukowej Krzysztofa Abucewicza

80%
Baron A.
Polonia Sacra
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2022
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vol. 26
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issue 1
215-236
PL
In 2021 was published a unique monograph on the interpretation of the evocation of Ignatius of Antioch, “My Eros”, presenting research from the beginning of Christianity (the letters come from the beginning of the 2nd century) to our times. It is a book by Krzysztof Abucewicz entitled The Crucified “Eros” of Ignatius of Antioch (Katowice 2021, 676 pages). The book is unique due to the wide scope of research and the extremely high competency of its author. The extensive amount of the work put into the research is awe-inspiring. The aim of the article is to show the content and main qualities of the book and to critically analyze of the conclusions drawn by Krzysztof Abucewicz. This article tries to clarify answers to the question about the possibility of establishing unequivocal conclusions, which researchers of history, literature and theology come to, regarding the interpretation of the evocation of Ignatius of Antioch. In this sense, the article is polemical in nature, aimed at encouraging theologians to read the discussed monograph and use it in their own theological research.
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Chrystologiczna koncepcja nadziei w Listach Ignacego z Antiochii

80%
Widok N.
Vox Patrum
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2008
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vol. 52
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issue 2
1213-1222
EN
Hac in dissertatiuncula notiones „spes” et „spero” perpensae sunt atque rationes theologicae, quae de his nominibus efficiuntur. Vox „spes” in Litteris Ignatii Antio- cheni decies adhibita est, at vox „sperare” - quater. Ut de enumeratione evenit frequentiam harum non magnam esse. Vox „spes”, quam Ignatius in singulis textibus adhibuit, ad Christum attinet significatque Eius titulus. Aliquotiens utitur Ignatius hanc vocem in locutione „spes nostra”. Solummodo semel notio „spes” est adhibita ut significatio virtutis moralis. Enimvero vocabulum „sperare” bis significationem theologicam habet, quia ad Christum petinet.
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Krytyka żydów w najstarszych pismach chrześcijańskich tradycji antiocheńskiej i azjatyckiej

80%
Słomka J.
Studia Pastoralne
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2014
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vol. 10
396-404
EN
The article deals with three Christian writings which originated in Antioch and Asia at the end of the 1st and the first half of the 2nd century, namely Didache, the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch and the Paschal Homily of Melito of Sardis. The first two include only short, marginal paragraphs criticising the Jews. The Paschal Homily, on the other hand, devotes a long, carefully composed passage to their criticism, or more precisely, accusation. It is placed in the text after the presentation of the history of sin, slavery and liberation offered to us by Christ through His death. The passage starts with an accusation against Israel for killing Jesus. The Jews killed Him because they had not recognised God, their Saviour. Then Melito revisits the history of Israel as described in the Old Testament, demonstrating that, from the very beginning, the Jews had been ungrateful and unable to recognise their God. As a result, they deserved their punishment. Though Melito does not mention it directly, it is highly probable that he regards the destruction of Jerusalem and the expulsion of the Jews in 135 AD as their punishment and the sign of their rejection by God. The entire Homily is based on the typological interpretation of the Scripture and demonstrates the author’s excellent knowledge of the Old Testament. The combination of such a violent accusation and such good knowledge of the Jewish tradition, in the context of what we know about the social relations in 2nd century Sardis, suggests that the church in Sardis was dominated by Christians who previously were proselytes.
5
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Figura e ministero dei diaconi nelle lettere di Ignazio d’Antiochia

61%
Selejdak R.
Vox Patrum
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2006
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vol. 49
573-591
PL
Listy Ignacego Antiocheńskiego stanowią niezwykle ważne świadectwa z okresu wczesnego chrześcijaństwa. Ukazują one wiarę chrześcijan końca I i początku II wieku oraz ówczesną strukturę hierarchiczną wspólnoty kościelnej. Fundamentem tej wspólnoty jest Chrystus. Wspólnota kościelna jest ściśle skupiona wokół biskupa, wspomaganego przez prezbiterów i diakonów.
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Il presbitero nelle lettere di Ignazio di Antiochia

51%
Adamczewski P.
Vox Patrum
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2001
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vol. 40
141-156
EN
Studium de presbytero apud Ignatium Antiochenum tractat: de eius persona, de eius navitate ecclesiastica, de eius magisterio. Post introductionem de vita, origine, martyrio et epistulis inquisivimus, quibus definitionibus utatur Ignatius scribendo de presbytero. Deinde investigamus explicationem singulorum epistularum fragmen- torum. In fine, in compendio studia et praxim Ignatii exhibere conati sumus.
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Między Chrystusem a ziemskimi pożądliwościami. Historia przekładów i interpretacji oraz współczesna debata nad ewokacją ho emos eros estaurotai (Rom 7, 2) Ignacego Antiocheńskiego

51%
Abucewicz K.
Vox Patrum
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2015
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vol. 64
37-68
EN
Composed into the letter of Ignatius of Antioch to the Church of Rome, perhaps the most famous evocation – ho emos eros estaurotai – has a long tradition of interpretation, which being initiated by Origen and taking somewhat turbulent course reaches our times. Its manifestation is visible in the translations themselves, where already from the Latin rendering a significant diversity can be observed, and the wide range of interpretations is being reflected with its spread in the modern translations. Those of Greek Fathers who spoke after Origen essentially upheld the interpretation of the Alexandrian, seeing under eros – as he did – the Christ Himself. Finally they fastened so conceptualized eros in the spiritual theology and inscribed the Ignatius’ evocation into the liturgy of the Eastern Church for ages. However in the Western Church, it seems that the significant influence on the mod­ern interpretation of the Ignatius’ evocation – starting from the nineteenth century – had the ongoing in the background discussion on authenticity of the Antiocher’s letters. The time of extensive research, beyond the contribution to the determina­tion of the middle recension, from exacting blade of critics had adjudicated about fundamental error of Origen and the other Greek Fathers in the interpretation they adopted. The dominance of the newly discovered interpretation coincided with the adoption of middle recension and spreads to the present day. The resulting dis­sonance to the voice of the ancient Church born an undying question which – al­though with different intensity at different times – continues resounding. Could the Greek Fathers be so much wrong in taking the comment to the famous Ignatius’ evocation? How is it possible that those for whom the ancient Greek was the lan­guage of everyday life, and appropriate for the letters of Ignatius „Sitz im Leben” was the environment in which in the chronological proximity they grew up and lived, diverge from the actual socio-cultural and literary context from the inside of which Ignatius spoke? These and other questions have intrigued many scholars of the last century. It is, perhaps, their echo that outlines a certain circle being formed by modern translations and commentaries, running back to the beginning, to the first interpretations. This movement, presumably, shows unextinguished disagree­ment for leaving such a significant dissonance to the voice of the ancient Church. Perhaps it is also a hunch that in the content of the Ignatius’ words there is still something else, what more clearly saw the Fathers, and what in some sense re­mains hidden from modern researchers. By the same token, following the path of these assumptions, the undertaken analysis of the Syrian translation combined with the conclusions of the recent philological study on the Greek text put a question mark on the popular interpretation and allow to hypothesize in a way that is getting closer to the voice of Fathers again. It seems that the meaning of Ignatius’ evoca­tion could have been more positive than it is used to be frequently commented.
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Prymat Kościoła/biskupa Rzymu w źródłach chrześcijańskich II wieku

41%
Misiarczyk L.
Vox Patrum
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2004
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vol. 46
51-77
IT
Nella riftessione sut primato detta Chiesa o det Vescovo di Roma net II secoto e necessario distinguere it fatto di riferire it primato da attre communita ecctesiastiche di attora atta Chiesa o at Vescovo di Roma datta consapevotezza det primato detta stessa Chiesa di Roma o dei suoi Vescovi. Net II secoto, come ci e stato trasmesso datte fonti cristiane antiche, it primato veniva riferito atta Chiesa o at Vescovo di Roma da Ignazio di Antiochia, Egesippo e Tertutiano, invece Letfera a/ Corinzi di Ctemente e ta controversia riguardante ta data detta cetebrazione di Pasqua testimoniano appunto ta crescente consapevotezza det primato netta Chiesa e nei Vescovi di Roma.
9
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Wymogi formacji i tożsamości kapłańskiej. Między Antiochią i Aleksandrią (II-IV wiek)

41%
Covolo E. d.
Vox Patrum
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2001
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vol. 40
157-172
IT
L'autore dell'articolo sta paragonando due antiche tradizioni orientali della formazione sacerdotale: antiochena rappresentata da Ignazio Antiocheno e da Giovanni Crisostomo, ed alessandrina illustrata coi testi di Origene, che insegna chiaramente del sacerdozio dei fedeli e del sacerdozio ministeriale.
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Początki chrześcijańskiej nauki o wcieleniu w pismach Ojców Apostolskich

41%
Misiarczyk L.
Vox Patrum
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2000
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vol. 38
21-40
IT
S. Ignazio di Antiochia polemizzando eon i doceti giudaizzanti difende energicamente la realta delFincarnazione sottolineando che Cristo ha assunto una vera e non fittizzia carne umana, e nato veramente dalia Vergine Maria dalia stirpe di Davide, veramente pań sulla croce, veramente e morto e risorto nei tempi di Ponzio Pilato e di Erode. Perfino dopo la sua risurrezione si e comportato hos sarkikos. Ignazio prende come punto di partenza delle le sue riftesioni sulFincamazione di Cristo la realta delle sue sofferenze e della morte sulla croce negati dalie correnti del pensiero che eon difficolta accettavano il Messia sofferente. Vescovo di Antiochia non adopera mai il termine soma per descrivere la vera carne di Cristo, ma sempre sarks intendendo eon quest'ultimo la vera natura umana di Cristo. Egli difende quindi anche contro i sudetti doceti giudaizzanti e le speculazioni gnostiche la realta sia della vera natura umana che quella divina in Cristo. Di conseguenza il termine agennetos lo riferisce non alla persona di Dio Padre come sara fatto piu tardi, ma alla natura di Cristo. Il mistero delFincarnazione Ignazio lo descrive secondo lo schema pneuma-sarks; intendendo con pneuma,a la natura divina e eon sarks la natura umana di Cristo. Infine nel suo testo chiave definisce Cristo perfino come en sarki genomenos theos. E' importante notare che nelle Lettere di Ignazio troviamo Fesempio di una cristologia pneumatica conforme ai dati della rivelazione, quindi „ortodossa".
EN
S. Ignazio di Antiochia polemizzando con i doceti giudaizzanti difende energicamente la realta dell'incarnazione sottolineando che Cristo ha assunto una vera e non fittizzia carne umana, e nato veramente dalla Vergine Maria dalla stirpe di Davide, veramente pati sulla croce, veramente e morto e risorto nei tempi di Ponzio Pilato e di Erode. Perfino dopo la sua risurrezione si e comportato hos sarkikos. Ignazio prende come punto di partenza delle le sue riftesioni sull'incarnazione di Cristo la realta delle sue sofferenze e della morte sulla croce negati dalle correnti del pensiero che con difficolta accettavano il Messia sofferente. Vescovo di Antiochia non adopera mai il termine soma per descrivere la vera carne di Cristo, ma sempre sarks intendendo con quest'ultimo la vera natura umana di Cristo. Egli difende quindi anche contro i sudetti doceti giudaizzanti e le speculazioni gnostiche la realta sia della vera natura umana che quella divina in Cristo. Di conseguenza il termine agennetos lo riferisce non alla persona di Dio Padre come sara fatto piu tardi, ma alla natura di Cristo. Il mistero dell'incarnazione Ignazio lo descrive secondo lo schema pneuma-sarks; intendendo con pneuma la natura divina e con sarks la natura umana di Cristo. Infine nel suo testo chiave definisce Cristo perfino come en sarki genomenos theos. E' importante notare che nelle Lettere di Ignazio troviamo l'esempio di una cristologia pneumatica conforme ai dati della rivelazione, quindi „ortodossa".
11
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Najstarsze patrystyczne świadectwa refleksji mariologicznej (Ignacy Antiocheński, Justyn Męczennik, Ireneusz z Lyonu)

36%
Turek W. J.
Vox Patrum
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2021
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vol. 80
69-86
EN
The article deals with the theme of theological reflection on Mary in the oldest Patristic texts written by St. Ignatius of Antioch, St. Justin martyr and St. Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons. It presents the strong ties of Mariology and Christology in all three authors. St. Ignatius decidedly rejects the teaching of the Docetists and shows that it was Mary who gave birth to Christ, giving Him a real human body that allowed Him later to suffer and die. St. Justin juxtaposes the works of Eve and Mary, and the birth of Jesus Christ from the Virgin is elucidated in the light of Old Testament prophecies. Finally, St. Irenaeus, in the context of the polemic with Gnosticism, deepens the parallel between Eve and Mary, taking into account also the comparison between Adam and Christ. As Adam had been formed from the virginal earth, so Christ, the new Adam was formed from the Virgin Mary, who through her faith and obedience opened to humanity the way to new life.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje temat refleksji mariologicznej w najstarszych tekstach patrystycznych autorstwa św. Ignacego Antiocheńskiego, św. Justyna męczennika i św. Ireneusza, biskupa Lyonu. Ukazuje mocne powiązanie mariologii z chrystologią u wszystkich trzech autorów. Św. Ignacy odrzuca zdecydowanie nauczanie doketów i ukazuje, że Maryja zrodziła Chrystusa, dała Mu prawdziwe ciało ludzkie, które później pozwoliło Mu cierpieć i umrzeć. U św. Justyna pojawia się przeciwstawienie dzieła Ewy i Maryi, a narodzenie Jezusa Chrystusa z Dziewicy ukazane jest w świetle zapowiedzi starotestamentalnych. Z kolei św. Ireneusz pogłębia w kontekście polemiki z gnostycyzmem paralelizm Ewa – Maryja, biorąc pod uwagę także porównanie między Adamem i Chrystusem. Jak Adam został uformowany z dziewiczej ziemi, tak Chrystus, nowy Adam, został ukształtowany z Dziewicy Maryi, która przez swoją wiarę i posłuszeństwo otworzyła rodzajowi ludzkiemu drogę do nowego życia.
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Immagine evangelica di Maria madre di Gesù nei primi tre secoli

31%
Nyk A.
Vox Patrum
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2002
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vol. 42
391-401
PL
Maryja, matka Jezusa z Nazaretu, jest czczona przede wszystkim jako Bogurodzica, czyli theotokos, co jest terminem zaaprobowanym na Soborze Efeskim w 431 roku. Niektórzy teolodzy utrzymują, iż tytuł ten był używany w stosunku do matki Jezusa już znacznie wcześniej. W niniejszym artykule analizujemy, czy rzeczywiście był on używany w pierwszych trzech wiekach; zatrzymujemy się tutaj nad sposobem w jakim Maryja jest przedstawiana przez autorów chrześcijańskich w tym okresie.
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