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EN
The article examines the evolution of Imre Nagy’s views during his first term as Prime minister of Hungary (1953-1955) and during the 1956 uprising. The emphasis is on his vision of the need for reforming and democratizing the socialist system, as well as practical political activity at the head of the popular uprising. The author notes that Imre Nagy was opposed to forced collectivization, accelerated industrialization, which undermined the national economy, destroyed the market system, violated the economic and political ties between urban and rural areas.
EN
The article is aimed at contributing to the discussion of the role of the mass media system in political transformation. For this purpose, reporting on a political issue relevant to the transformation was selected for tracing the theoretical assumption along empirical results: the hitherto taboo topic of Hungarian uprising in 1956. I studied how 1956 was reported in Hungary’s main print media, Népszabadság and Magyar Nemzet, from June 1988 to June 1989. These newspapers, despite still being controlled by the government in the dissolving socialist system of the end 1980s, helped a functional public sphere emerging. The newspapers broadened the interpretive scope by facilitating dissenting opinions and enabled a hitherto suppressed discourse about Kadar’s role in the historical events of 1956. The results suggest the newspapers acted as professional mediators and had a systemic stabilising effect on Hungarian society in this smouldering conflict.
EN
The last political success of Prime Minister Imre Nagy was the establishment of the Popular Front in 1954. The new organization, similar to the former Popular Front for Independence that existed during WW2 in Hungary, would provide support the new reform Government and have a say in shaping the country’s affairs. During the establishment of the new Government’s Program developed a conflict between the group of Imre Nagy and that of party General Secretary Mátyás Rakosi. The conflict was also noted with interest in Moscow. The uncertainty derived from the hostility between Rákosi and Imre Nagy can be detected from the Radio propaganda programs. After a successful Popular Front Congress on the November 28, 1954, the national Local Council Elections were held. But the Councils did not become autonomous, they were supervised by the Office of the Council of Ministers. The promise, however, was still lingering on. Not for a long time. Following the elections, the very next day the process aimed at expelling. To remove Imre Nagy entirely from politics had soon began. Mátyás Rákosi did not hesitate to use any single means against him, trusting the support of Moscow.
EN
The military intervention of the Soviet Troops which started on 4th November the so-called Imre Nagy group was given the possibility of asylum at the Yugoslavian Embassy. Janos Kádár annulled the agreement with the Yugoslavians, and demanded that Imre Nagy and his group to be turned over to the Hungarian Government by the Embassy. The Kádár government’s spokesman informed the public on November 23 that Imre Nagy and his colleagues had gone to Romania. The Imre Nagy government and Imre Nagy himself committed an unforgivable crime against the Hungarian people. The Radio Free Europe, Imre Mikes reported: at the end of the notice a comment by the Special Committee of the People’s Court of Supreme Court was quoted: “...the Committee found the accused guilty and sentenced Imre Nagy, Pál Maléter, dr József Szilágyi, and Miklós Gimes to death, Ferenc Donáth to 12 years, Zoltán Tildy to 6 years, Ferenc Jánosi to 3 years, Miklós Vásárhelyi to 5 years imprisonment, and Sándor Kopácsi to life imprisonment”. The judgement is definitive. The death sentences have been carried out.
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