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EN
The old Yeniseian deer and reindeer cult is not connected in any way to reindeer herding. There are interesting and far-reaching cultural parallels in the Turkic and Indo-European worlds, linked to the words for ‘deer (doe)’ and ‘fawn’. The cervid attributes of the Yeniseian shamans permit us to separate a cervid type of shamans in general. The word for ‘shaman’ itself can be connected to the word for ‘reindeer’, and thus derived eventually from the Yeniseian languages.
EN
According to what Adrados (1992: 1) calls the “new image” of Indo-European, the proto-language originally lacked the inflectional complexities associated with traditional Brugmannian reconstruction. Such complexities were acquired only at later stages of development, including the immediately predialectal period. On the basis of this perspective, I argue in Shields (2001) that there exists an incompatibility between reconstructions proposed by Nostraticists and by those espousing the “new image” of Indo-European. However, in this brief paper, I present a possible means of reconciling the two theoretical viewpoints.
EN
The purpose of this article is to show that the variety and irregularity of the Indo-European ‘crane’ words is apparent rather than actual, and that their derivational history is in fact quite simple. In brief, they can be reduced to only a couple of related PIE lexemes, rather than a whole constellation of “dialectal” forms.
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Lingua Posnaniensis
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2011
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vol. 53
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issue 2
123-127
EN
Purpose: In my paper I discuss the origin of the dual n-marker in Tocharian (Toch. B -ne, A -m), which seems to denote natural pairs, as well as random twosomes. It is traditionally treated as an innovation of the Tocharian languages. Method: In my investigations I used the historical-comparative method. Results: Some residual facts attested in the different Indo-European languages (including Albanian, Old Prussian and Insular Celtic ones) demonstrate traces of the n-marker. Conclusion: The dual nmarker, preserved in Tocharian, is of Indo-European origin.
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Sur Le Développement De L’impersonnel Indo-Européen

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EN
Different scholars advance arguments in favour of the tendency in Indo-European languages to shift from impersonal to personal constructions. The article presents some problems which seem to contest this tendency such as “Why, in the analytic languages, more developed or more distant from Proto-Indo-European than the synthetic ones, the impersonal 1) can be formed on almost all intransitive verbs (e.g. in French) and 2) can be used in environments which do not allow its use in the synthetic languages.” The analysis is based on a corpus, relatively big and representative, of texts in languages 1) synthetic, more close to, and 2) analytic, more distant from Proto-Indo-European. Such an approach, which completes traditional methods, is able to lead to establishing evolutive tendencies.
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Lingua Posnaniensis
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2010
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vol. 52
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issue 1
55-65
EN
Until now, irregular sound change due to frequency has been considered as something sporadic, affecting only the vocabulary, whereas, according to the present writer, irregular sound change due to frequency, which concerns also reductions in morphemes, especially in inflectional ones (which are even more frequently used than words), is the third essential factor of linguistic evolution, in addition to regular sound change and analogical development. There is a synchronic law according to which the linguistic elements which are more often used are smaller than those which are less often used. There is a kind of balance between the size of linguistic elements and their frequency. But if a linguistic element (morpheme, word or group of words) becomes too long in relation to its frequency, it must be shortened.
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Lingua Posnaniensis
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2011
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vol. 53
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issue 1
83-86
EN
In this brief paper, it is argued that the initial *s- found in the Latin and perhaps Greek reflexes of the Indo-European adprep *uper(i) ‘over, above’ derives from blending with another adprep of the same meaning, *ser(i). Evidence is also presented for the creation of another blend involving these two forms, *sep-, which may underlie the Indo-European root for ‘7’. This latter assertion is strengthened by typological precedent.
Lingua Posnaniensis
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2009
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vol. 51
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issue 1
57-63
EN
This brief article attempts to apply current typological theory about the structure of person-marking paradigms to reconstructions of early Indo-European personal pronoun declension and early Indo-European verbal conjugation in order to determine whether or not such application can shed light on the traditional debate about whether or not an inclusive/exclusive opposition can be ascribed to the protolanguage. Despite the demonstrated positive value of typology in assessing the plausibility of reconstructions, the conclusion reached here is that current typological theory is very limited in its ability to resolve this particular issue of historical/comparative Indo-European linguistics.
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The Hieroglyphic Luwian -siAgain

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Lingua Posnaniensis
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2010
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vol. 52
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issue 1
67-70
EN
We recognize three attestations of the element -si attached to a verbal ending in KARKAMIŠ A11b, A12 and ALEPO 2. The author has already regarded this -si as another reflexive element comparable to the reflexive -ti. Furthermore, we can also point out four more attestations of a similar element -si in the inscriptions recently discovered at TELL AHMAR 6: huhasata-si "he himself ran" (vii and xix) and at ÇINEKÖY: iziya-si "they themselves made" (vi and vii). It should be noted that the element -si in ÇINEKÖY is attached directly to an irregularly omitted verbal form iziya of *iziyanta "they made".
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Phrygian Glosses in Pseudo-Plutarch's WorkDe Fluviis

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EN
The aim of my study is to discuss three Phrygian glosses attested in Pseudo-Plutarch's work Περιπoταμων and explain them from the etymological and historical-comparative point of view. It is concluded finally that all the glosses should be regarded as a real and valuable part of the Phrygian language.
EN
The paper presents a brief assessment of “Nostratic” – the controversial, but promising hypothesis on deeper linguistic connections of the Indo-European family, as envisaged by Vladislav Illich-Svitych and his contemporaries (particularly Aharon Dolgopolsky). We discuss some of the most important developments of the theory since the 1960s, and explain how emphasis on “quantity over quality” of data in the new huge corpora of “Nostratic” comparanda is less useful for advancing the hypothesis than a narrowly targeted emphasis on identifying the “core” evidence for the macrofamily. Identifying this “core” evidence, consisting of a small, but generally stable layer of the basic lexicon, is necessary to lend a more historically realistic flavor to the hypothesis, and its statistical evaluation will also help better understand the place of Indo-European among the other potential constituents of “Nostratic”. We argue that, in weighing the evidence, typological plausibility of semantic shifts and absence of topological conflicts in the tree are no less important than regularity of sound changes. We also show how the credibility level of various theories on the external connections of Indo-European can be arranged along a gradient – from “Indo-Uralic” to a general “Nostratic”, and indicate implications that such an arrangement may hold for future studies.
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EN
The topic of this paper, as its title suggests, is the fate of the original Indo-European (IE) aspirates in Balto-Slavic, or possibly in its direct precursor, Proto-Balto-Slavic. In contrast with the Indo-European protolanguage, which is generally reconstructed with three modal classes of stops, both the Baltic and the Slavic languages are modeled on the opposition based on the feature /±voice/ only, with the opposition based on the feature /±aspiration/ not directly attested. Due to this distinction between IE and Balto-Slavic, it is assumed that the original opposition of aspiration was lost at some point during the Proto-Balto-Slavic period. The mechanism of this loss and the question of ‘voiceless aspirates’ are discussed as well. In the paper it is demonstrated that there is no reason to believe that ‘voiceless aspirates’ and ‘voiced aspirates’ ever formed a category of ‘aspirates’, proportional to the opposition between ‘voiceless unaspirates’ and ‘voiced unaspirates’, or to assume that both ‘aspirates’ever existed at the same moment.
EN
On the basis of formal correspondences and typological data, it is argued in this brief paper that an etymological connection probably exists between the Indo-European dative suffix *-ei and the Indo-European causative element *-ei- via a morpheme which Song (1996) describes as “PURP.” Most significantly, the paper demonstrates how typological data can serve a primary role in reconstruction rather than a merely evaluative one.
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The Place Of English In Germanic And Indo-European

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EN
A. Bammesberger’s article ‘The Place of English in Germanic and Indo-European’ (pp. 26–66) in Vol. 1 (The Beginnings to 1066) of The Cambridge History of the English Language (ed. Richard M. Hogg, Cambridge University Press, 1992) was reviewed rather unfavorably (review article of the volume by Richard D. Janda in World Englishes, vol. 14, 1995). This is a recast of the same topic in a different presentation, which can be justified as the proverb ‘So many cooks, so many dishes’ has it. The style of presentation follows that of the French linguist Bernard Pottier, whose principle is based on a set of short definitions with a couple of examples. The conclusion of the present paper is that English is the most “entgermanisierte” (the least Germanic) language, just as French is the most “entromanisierte” (the least Romanic) language, while Modern Icelandic, free from foreign influence, has remained the purest of all Germanic languages.
EN
This article discusses the remnants of the root *u̯eh2- ‘to turn’ in Sanskrit. First, vāma- ‘left’, an etymon which we analyse from a typological point of view, bringing comparative data from various languages; the etymology of its synonym savyá- is also discussed. Second, the noun vāra-° ‘prostitute’ which, although isolated in Sanskrit, presents an exact Latin cognate. Third, the verb vayati ‘to weave’, whose paradigm and derived noun include some forms that must originate from *u̯eh2-
EN
Although suppletion has attracted increasing attention in recent years, there is still no accepted dividing line between suppletion and other types of morphological irregularity. It is argued that even explicitly ahistorical treatments have been biased by diachrony, so that forms which are known to have developed from regular paradigms, e.g. Ancient Greek heîs ‘one’ ~ fem. mía or English think ~ thought, tend to be treated as less “truly” suppletive than those which have no known common source. Such cases are not only to be classified as suppletive on formal grounds, but deserve closer attention than they have heretofore received from historical linguists. Given the widespread view that morphological analogy acts to regularize paradigms which have become opaque as a result of phonological changes, suppletion of this sort may be viewed as the logical end point of sound change acting over significant time depths. Any diachronic typology of suppletion must thereforedi stinguish between paradigms composed of historically unrelated stems, and those whose stems have diverged through the cumulative effects of phonological change. With their long written records, Indo-European languages furnish numerous examples of the latter type.
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EN
The goal of this contribution is to show to what extent (if at all) the inventory of lexical means used for expressing contemporary greetings is a reflection of ancient formulas found in texts of the old IE languages, and what the meaning of greetings was in the past. It is generally assumed that the symbolism of greetings stems from the superstitious fear of the absolute dependence on supernatural phenomena, on gods having unlimited power over humans. This principle of subordination of the weak to the strong, in fact, has held true since Antiquity, throughout the Middle Ages, and up to the present day (today this principle is hidden in the rules of etiquette); the only thing that has changed is the model of the strong and the weak, reflecting changes in society. The paper also devotes attention to the origin and motivation of the oldest greeting formulas found both in Greek and Latin texts and in the Old and the New Testament. They are placed into wider lexical-semantic relationships, and their equivalents or continuations are sought in contemporary languages.
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Content available

The story of Caesar revisited

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EN
This article investigates the story of the origin and the expanse of the term caesar in the Indo-European languages. A hypothesis on the non-existence of the diphthongs /ai/ and /au/ in Gothic is used to show that the borrowing into Gothic occurred from Greek and renders the Greek spelling practice. Due to additional facts concerning the monophthongization of the diphthong /ai/ in Greek and Latin it is hypothesized that they might already represent not a diphthong but a single vowel. Counter-evidence is also stated, as the precise way of the borrowing still remains unknown.
Język Polski
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2019
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vol. 99
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issue 1
5-12
PL
Artykuł podsumowuje i krytycznie omawia poglądy Jerzego Kuryłowicza na genezę polskiego (słowiańskiego, indoeuropejskiego) comparatiwu. W szczególności zakwestionowano hipotezę dotyczącą powstania praindoeuropejskiego sufiksu *-i̯os- (słow. *-’ьš-,pol. -sz-). Omówiono także źródło rozszerzenia słowiańskiego sufiksu *-ě-jьš- (pol. -ejsz-) oraz zagadnienia akcentologiczne, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem materiału polskiego. Poruszono również kwestię oryginalności hipotez przedstawionych w pracach Kuryłowicza.
EN
This article summarizes and critically discusses Jerzy Kuryłowicz’s views on the origin of the Polish (Slavic, Indo-European) comparative. Above all, the hypothesis concerning the emergence of the Proto-Indo-European suffix *-i̯os- (Slavic *-’ьš-, Polish -sz-) has been challenged. Furthermore, the source of the extension within the Slavic suffix *-ě-jьš- (Polish -ejsz-) and accentological issues (with particular emphasis on the Polish material) have been discussed. The question of originality of the hypotheses presented in Kuryłowicz’s works has also been addressed.
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