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EN
Different meanings of the term ‘politics’ define its different dimensions - dimensions in which politics is being carried out. The overwhelming feature of contemporary politics is its mediatisation, which can be understood as ‒ according to Franciszek Ryszka, who said that “words create politics” - the hegemony of the symbolic sphere. Therefore, the study of politics should take into account not only the sphere of decision-making, but also the discourse which restricts and directs political activities. The case of Ukraine demonstrates that civic media (i.e. Media which are decentralized, non-hierarchical, based on networking and social media) are now the plane on which certain political ideas are manifested most fully, including declarations of intent to pursue a particular doctrine of the state. At the same time - due to its axiological marking – civic media are becoming an important forum for various discourses in the service of community. The analysis of politics, perceived as power over the meaning, is the primary dimension of the analysis, since other planes of politics and corresponding analytical areas are, in the modern world, increasingly subordinated to the discursive sphere which creates a meaningful (discursive, symbolic, axiological etc.) framework for political action. The article discusses the impact of civic journalism on political change - from the “Orange Revolution” to “Revolution of Dignity”. This section of the article presents, among other issues, the most important means of civic journalist narration. The following part outlines the role of civic media at the time of Russian aggression in Ukraine, where asymmetric hybrid warfare is taking place, that is a combination of conventional, irregular and information warfare. The article also discusses the key features and activities of Ukrainian grassroots journalism during the war, and then presents the main axiological pillars of Russian war propaganda and its criticism by journalists and civic media.
EN
This study delves into the narratives employed by Belarusian propaganda during the Russo-Ukrainian War, examining 1,750 news items from Belarusian state media sources and the progovernment Telegram channels from September 1st to November 30th, 2022. The research employs the Looqme methodology, a robust content analysis approach that involves systematically coding and categorizing textual data to identify key thematic blocks and subthemes. The findings reveal a carefully crafted narrative aimed at demonizing Ukraine, promoting alternative realities, and glorifying military service. By portraying the West as a source of instability and danger, the propaganda fosters public support for Belarus’s stance on the conflict. Additionally, the study exposes the use of historical manipulation and reinforcement of negative portrayals through quoting Russian authorities. The study highlights the role of language manipulation and selective presentation of events in shaping public opinion, providing valuable insights for countering disinformation and fostering objective reporting in times of conflict.
PL
Autor artykułu dowodzi, że pojęcie „partii rosyjskiej” czy też „stronnictwa rosyjskiego” w Polsce ma swoją długą tradycję oraz wieloznaczność. Mieści się w nim bowiem zarówno wynikający z geopolitycznych uwarunkowań realny instrument oddziaływania Rosji na sytuację w Polsce przy wykorzystywaniu określonych organizacji o charakterze politycznym, jak i wpisująca się w określoną narrację polityczną figura retoryczna, wykorzystywana do opisu rzeczywistości: definiowania wrogów i zagrożeń, budowania tożsamości, a często konstruowania świata binarnego. W kontekście wydarzeń na Ukrainie autor zastanawia się, czy obecnie mamy do czynienia jedynie z określoną narracją? Czy też, zgodnie z zasadami logiki, presupozycją wzajemnego oskarżania się o sprzyjanie interesom Rosji winna być konkluzja, że ostatecznie istnieje jakaś formacja polityczna, która interesom tym realnie sprzyja? Autor jest zdania, że wyciągnięcie miarodajnych wniosków winno być poprzedzone refleksją badawczą. Po pierwsze, czy prorosyjskość to dziś forma politycznego ekstremizmu czy też wynikający z ideowych bądź pragmatycznych przesłanek kierunek polityki zagranicznej, reprezentowany przez wybrane ugrupowania polskiej sceny politycznej? Po drugie, czy „partię rosyjską” można traktować wyłącznie w kategoriach mitu politycznego, środka ekspresji w debacie publicznej, czy też możemy o niej mówić w kategoriach ontycznych? Po trzecie, czy ową „partę rosyjską”, hipotetyzując jej istnienie, możemy w ogóle opisać językiem politologicznym, typologizując ją wedle określonych kryteriów?
EN
The author of the paper argues that the term "the Russian party" in Poland has a long tradition and ambiguity. It comprises both the real instrument of influence of Russia on the situation in Poland, with the use of the specific organizations of political nature resulting from the geopolitical conditions, and a figure of speech becoming part of a specific political narration used to describe the reality: defining enemies and threats, identity building, and often the construction of the binary world. In the context of the events in Ukraine, the author wonders if now we are dealing only with a specific narration? Or, according to the rules of logic, the presupposition of recriminations of favoring the interests of Russia should be the conclusion that ultimately there is a political formation that really favors these interests? The author is of the opinion that drawing meaningful conclusions should be preceded by a reflection research. Firstly, whether pro-Russian attitude is still a form of political extremism, or in consequence of ideological or pragmatic reasons it is the foreign policy direction, represented by selected groups of Polish political scene? Secondly, whether "the Russian party" can be considered only in terms of political myth, means of expression in a public debate, or we can talk about it in ontic terms? Thirdly, whether this "Russian party", hypothetically presuming its existence, can even be described by means of the language of political science, categorizing it according to certain criteria?
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